Dear
Carina,This is a rather long letter about what some people consider to be a very complicated subject. The purpose of this is to try and simplify what you may hear or read about education and particularly in New Hampshire these days. It does seem to be hard at times for you to understand why all the bother when without exception the children you meet all say "You're lucky!" when you tell them, and I have heard this, that you are homeschooled. I have written some of this letter, and many others have written much of it. In 1784 the New Hampshire Constitution, Article 6, was adopted and reads as follows:
New Hampshire Constitution, Pt. I Bill of Rights, Art. 6. Morality and Piety. (1784)
As morality and piety, rightly grounded on evangelical principles, will give the best and greatest security to government, and will lay in the hearts of men the strongest obligations to due subjection, and as the knowledge of these is most likely to be propagated through a society by the institution of the public worship of the Deity, and of public instruction in morality and religion, therefore, to promote those important purposes the people of this state have a right to empower, and do hereby fully empower the legislature to authorize from time to time the several towns, parishes, bodies corporate, or religious societies within this state to make adequate provision at their own expense for the support and maintenance of public protestant teachers of piety, religion, and morality;
Provided, notwithstanding, that the several towns, parishes, bodies corporate, or religious societies, shall, at all times have the exclusive right of electing their own public teachers, and of contracting with them for their support and maintenance. [Exclusive Right clause] And no person of any one particular religious sect or denomination shall ever be compelled to pay towards the support of the teacher or teachers of another persuasion, sect, or denomination.
And every denomination of Christians demeaning themselves quietly, and as good subjects of the State, shall be equally under the protection of the law: And no subordination of any one sect or denomination to another shall ever be established by law. [Free Toleration clause]
And nothing herein shall be understood to affect any former contracts made for the support of the ministry; but all such contracts shall remain and be in the same state as if this constitution had not been made.
June 2, l784
In 1968, Article 6 acquired, as it was modernized, the current wording and the brief official description (highlighted) in the following paragraph. With that synopsis of change the language could reasonably be thought to have been altered by excision of denominational references alone. As you read it, you will quickly see that more than a little has been altered. There has been serious surgery.
[Art.] 6. [Morality and Piety.] As morality and piety, rightly grounded on high principles, will give the best and greatest security to government, and will lay, in the hearts of men, the strongest obligations to due subjection; and as the knowledge of these is most likely to be propagated through a society, therefore, the several parishes, bodies, corporate, or religious societies shall at all times have the right of electing their own teachers, and of contracting with them for their support or maintenance, or both. But no person shall ever be compelled to pay towards the support of the schools of any sect or denomination. And every person, denomination or sect shall be equally under the protection of the law; and no subordination of any one sect, denomination or persuasion to another shall ever be established.
June 2, l784
(Amended l968 to remove obsolete sectarian references)
Left on the cutting room floor, was all reference to local municipal explicit funding and control of education, teachers, and by implication, curriculum. There is a small parallel to draw here. When a physician writes something he or she later wishes deleted, there is a strictly formal protocol for dealing with the matter. The physician is expected, required, and will likely be liable if done otherwise, to draw a simple line through what is to be deleted, write the word "error" and continue with the writing. Along of course with a date and time. In this instance the state is declining to fully inform the citizenry of what precisely was obliterated by the amendment. Hence the two current dilemmas. First, is that of the dispute over sources and quantity of funding for education. Second, the issue of adequacy as a definition for that education to be offered remains irksome. But there is one last bit of constitution I'd like to point out to you:
[Art.] 28-a. [Mandated Programs.] The state shall not mandate or assign any new, expanded or modified programs or responsibilities to any political subdivision in such a way as to necessitate additional local expenditures by the political subdivision unless such programs or responsibilities are fully funded by the state or unless such programs or responsibilities are approved for funding by a vote of the local legislative body of the political subdivision.
November 28, l984
A Court, using a definition found in a dictionary published in London, rather than the original wording of the constitution, to divine "intent at the time" seems in the light of how the original was worded to have indulged in a curious rational. Perhaps it would be instructive to read the definition of a relatively recent United Kingdom court definition of education for comparison:
Harrison & Harrison V Stevenson
Worcester Crown Court 1981
It is, in my view, for me to construe the Act; not for us to accept evidence of others as to its meaning. I propose to construe the word education as meaning the development of mental powers and character and the acquisition of knowledge through the imparting of skills and learning by systematic instruction.
We are told that educationalists recognize two broad approaches to education:
1. the "transmissive" (which I should describe as didactic); and
2. the "autonomous" method of self-directed study, in which a child is permitted to pursue its own interests.
Is that system of education "efficient"? A system in my judgement (and so I direct the court) is "efficient" if it achieves that which it sets out to achieve. By that test, the evidence that the education of these children is "efficient" is all one way. In achieving its intended aims, therefore, the education is efficient and full-time. The next essential question is whether that education is suitable to the age, ability, and aptitude of the children and each of them.
In our judgement, that requirement is fulfilled if, and only if, the education is such as:
1. to prepare the children for life in modern civilized society, and
2. to enable them to achieve their full potential.
We have heard argument as to whether the principal end of education should be academic learning or practical ability. That argument has at times been confused with the rival merits of the transmissive and autonomous approaches to education, although for myself I see no reason why the transmissive method should not be directed to implanting practical skills and a pragmatic approach to problems if so desired. Again, fortunately, we are not called on to make any pronouncement about such matters. Whichever end is desired, and whatever the emphasis of the educational system, we see no reason why those objects should necessarily be regarded as totally mutually exclusive.
We regard the fundamental academic skills of writing, reading, and arithmetic as fundamental to any education for life in the modern world. We should be surprised if any of the signatories to Ex A(8) Education for capability would be anything but horrified at the suggestion that their contention was an argument for the irrelevancy of literacy or numeracy. Those attainments are essential for communication, research, or self-education. The sooner they are acquired, the greater the advantage to the acquirer. We should not, in the ordinary case, regard a system of education as suitable for any child capable of learning such skills, if it failed to instil in the child the ability to read, write, or cope with arithmetical problems, leaving it to time, chance, and the inclination of the child to determine whether - if ever - the child eventually achieved even elementary proficiency in those skills.
That does not mean, I repeat, that we think that the children should be subject to conventional schooling, or that the whole balance of their present education should be changed to one of academic emphasis. Regard must be had to their disability; they should not be made to feel undue pressure or urgency which could undermine the benefits which have apparently accrued from their present upbringing. They need sympathy and a reassuring environment.
Back here in New Hampshire, in turn, the fiction of Judicial Infallibility is used as a cloak by those favoring the Claremont Decisions to justify a series of ingenious funding plans. Those opposed to the decisions seem to be favoring more legislation, amendments, and laws. 214 years of every single New Hampshire municipality having acted continuously in the most profoundly iniquitous, discriminatory, tyrannical, and illegal manner over generations of children is hard to fathom as having occurred without effort to address the problem. In 1851, the question indeed did come up with the following, and clearly and resoundingly rejected, constitutional amendment proposal:
Art. 89, Pt. II [Encouragement of Literature, &c.]
The legislature shall make provisions for the establishment and maintenance of free common schools at the public expense, and for the assessment and collection, annually, in the several towns and places in this state, of a sum not less than one hundred and twenty-five dollars for every dollar of state taxes apportioned to them respectively, to be applied exclusively to the support of such schools.
And let us not forget the flurry of activity when, in 1974, the constitutional convention (16th) voted down:
Pt. II, Art. 83-a. [Legislation Relative to Education Must be Fully Funded.]
The general court shall not enact any legislation relative to education in this state unless all the funding that is necessary to implement such legislation shall be appropriated and funded by the state.
Pt. II, Art. 83. [Encouragement of Literature, etc.;...]
"...; it shall be the duty of the legislators and magistrates, in all future periods of government, to create an educational opportunity of equal quality for the children of the state by providing for the maintenance and support of a complete system of public elementary and secondary schools,..."
Art. 40, Pt. I [Restricting Free Elementary and Secondary Education in Public Schools.]
The elementary and secondary education in the public schools of the state which shall be required to be offered to the citizens of the state free of tuition costs shall be restricted to those subjects and activities as shall be determined by the legislature to be essential. Any subject matter or activity not considered to be essential by the legislature offered in a public school may be subject to a tuition charge imposed by the school district. Such tuition charges to be determined by the school district shall be restricted to any costs involved in presenting the nonessential activity or subject matter. No state aid shall be appropriated from the state treasury for nonessential activities or subjects.
The voters have repeatedly and clearly expressed an outright rejection to the very opinion currently being self-righteously pronounced as the very heart and soul of the true meaning of the constitution. The sanctity of the Claremont decisions is being ceremoniously hailed without much due diligence in research by the population at large, or the sacramental fumes wafting up would be described perhaps more in terms of putrescence. On the Federal level, the U.S. Constitution makes no mention whatsoever of education. The U.S. Constitution (in the Bill of Rights and amendments) has two possibly relevant statements:
Amendment VIII: Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
Amendment XIII, Section 1: Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.
As a cautionary observation however, note the intent of current Federal law:
Under the Improving America's Schools Act, which reauthorized all Elementary and Secondary Education Act programs, and Goals 2000: The Educate America Act, K-12 programs are aimed at providing the opportunity for all students to achieve the same high state and local standards. States and localities are accountable on the basis of results in student achievement. Federal funds provide unique, irreplaceable resources to raise standards, develop new assessments and curricula, train and retrain teachers, and expand the use of learning technologies in the classroom. The current ESEA is designed to enable all programs to operate under a single comprehensive plan for reform and improved teaching and learning. There are innumerable opportunities for state and local flexibility, including consolidated applications for all programs, Title I schoolwide projects, state and local waivers, and "ed-flex" whereby LEAs can receive waivers from the state level rather than having to apply to USED.
Council of Chief State School Officers
There is a political risk in not paying attention to the democratic desires of the voters of the state, from John Stuart Mill, 1861, "Representative Government:"
But (setting aside the fact, that for one despot who now and then reforms an abuse, there are ninety-nine who do nothing but create them) those who look in any such direction for the realisation of their hopes leave out of the idea of good government its principal element, the improvement of the people themselves. One of the benefits of freedom is that under it the ruler cannot pass by the people's minds, and amend their affairs for them without amending them. If it were possible for the people to be well governed in spite of themselves, their good government would last no longer than the freedom of a people usually lasts who have been liberated by foreign arms without their own co-operation. It is true, a despot may educate the people; and to do so really, would be the best apology for his despotism. But any education which aims at making human beings other than machines, in the long run makes them claim to have the control of their own actions. The leaders of French philosophy in the eighteenth century had been educated by the Jesuits. Even Jesuit education, it seems, was sufficiently real to call forth the appetite for freedom. Whatever invigorates the faculties, in however small a measure, creates an increased desire for their more unimpeded exercise; and a popular education is a failure, if it educates the people for any state but that which it will certainly induce them to desire, and most probably to demand.
Now many advocates and otherwise are postulating increasingly arcane and Byzantine Chimeras to duck the original constitutional wording and fabricate new definitions and rights under stones never designed to be foundation stones, much less stepping stones. A small aside on stepping stones might be of interest:
Moses Maimonides, The Guide for the Perplexed (b 1135 A.D.) Chapter XXXIII
"The majority of scholars, that is to say, the most famous in science, are afflicted with this failing, viz., that of hurrying at once to the final results, and of speaking about them, without treating of the preliminary disciplines. Led by folly or ambition to disregard these preparatory studies, for the attainment of which they are either incapable or too idle, some scholars endeavor to prove that these are injurious or superfluous. On reflection the truth will become obvious."
The contentious current language has already become a mix of emergency room chatter, crisis management language, and immediacy. Most of the thoroughly effusive language is bluntly confusional or delusional in content. These times and this place are hardly that of Mons Gropius fame. With convoluted projections as to the inner thinking of our predecessors based on less than direct "observation of the patient," the "doctors of educational repair" appear to be mingling wishful thinking along with grand plans to lead to the nirvana of International Educational Superiority. A small quote below does not seem to apply to the many "experts" holding forth these days:
Porphyry; Life of Pythagoras, 30 Empedocles …when he says of (Pythagoras)
Among them was a man of immense knowledge Who had obtained the greatest wealth of mind, An exceptional master of every kind of wise work. For when he stretched out with all his mind He easily saw each and every thing In ten or twenty human generations.
A point to explore more carefully to demonstrate the amount of blather might be the simple purpose intended at the inception of our compulsory school system. History again. Recent expansion of kindergarten in New Hampshire was justified in part to reduce crime, but sadly, the facts are rather to the contrary. To begin with the promise of the first Commissioner of Education in Massachusetts, in the words of Horace Mann in 1841:
. . . . The Common School is the institution which can receive and train up children in the elements of all good knowledge, and of virtue, before they are subjected to the alienating competitions of life. This institution is the greatest discovery ever made by man;--we repeat it, the common school is the greatest discovery ever made by man. In two grand, characteristic attributes, it is supereminent over all others: --first, in its universality;--for it is capacious enough to receive and cherish in its parental bosom every child that comes into the world; and second, in the timeliness of the aid it proffers; --its early, seasonable supplies of counsel and guidance making security antedate danger. Other social organizations are curative and remedial; this is a preventive and an antidote; they come to heal diseases and wounds; this to make the physical and moral frame invulnerable to them. Let the Common School be expanded to its capabilities, let it be worked with the efficiency of which it is susceptible, and nine tenths of the crimes in the penal code would become obsolete; the long catalogue of human ills would be abridged; men would walk more safely by day; every pillow would be more inviolate by night; property, life, and character held by a stronger tenure; all rational hopes respecting the future brightened.
And, also from Mann;
"We who are engaged in the sacred cause of education are entitled to look upon all parents as having given hostages to our cause."
And more recently;
January 10, 1931 Literary Digest, "What We Shall Be Like in 1950" (pages 43-44) "definite prophecies made by the National Education Association" Tomorrow's Business (New York) published by the Shaw-Walker company. "Crime will be virtually abolished by transferring to the preventive processes of the school and education the problems of conduct which police, courts, and prisons now remedy when it is too late."
While locally the demanding appears to have escalated beyond the earlier previews of promise to come:
With her 4-year-old son Evan sitting in her lap, Donna Ohanian told a Senate panel yesterday that if the state's education improvement efforts don't include kindergarten, the state may be facing another lawsuit. "Do I really need to come back with a $27-million lawsuit over public kindergarten to get your attention?" said Ohanian, of Hudson. "I hope not. I hope all of us learned something along the way with Claremont."
And of course there is the longer claim for dependency:
In many school districts, the issue can be brought before the voters with a citizens petition if your school board does not want to submit the warrant article themselves. It is unlikely that the state will ever mandate that your school district provide public kindergarten. There is an amendment to our state constitution which requires the state to totally pay for any mandate.
(That would be Article 28 quoted above)
I not sure, however, how to explain the requirement of first thru 12th grade with this logic. Maybe first thru twelve grade is federally mandated.
But that is not all, don't forget the Breakfast Programs Planners:
Breakfast Programs:
Schools should offer breakfast programs in circumstances where children will benefit and funding is available. (Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development)
Recently some wag has been advocating for mandatory four-wheel drive Mercedes Benz school buses with tinted glass, cruise control, surround stereo, radar obstacle avoidance equipment, air-conditioning, GPS, climate control, and cellular phone installed as the barest minimum for the safety of the children. Airline style meals could be served on fold down trays for breakfast and supper. This would certainly reduce the stresses on housewives at home, ensure proper nutrition, and serve as the conduit for meals on wheels if parents were ill. As nurses have become fairly widespread in various school clinics, it is important to consider the development of school-based pharmacies to ensure that children are near to professional advice regarding both prescribed medication, over-the-counter medications, and drug education. Whereas the nurses may be only part time, the pharmacies would be staffed full time and year round. That same wag has apparently also recommended that for the proper respect to be given to principals, they each should be given a Cadillac to drive while on official business and teachers should be required to purchsae their vehicles from a state-pool. And just after that recommendation he was heard to be musing over Stop and Shop franchises at each school to make shopping for parents easier. The rationale ws that some of the shopping could be done for the parents by the children who would be given credit through the onsite bank. Also franchised. All of this would be in keeping with full time and year round usage of the school installation.
There has been little to no discussion regarding the current raging debate in Scandinavia over the proposal for the governments to pay parents to keep their children home from kindergarten. Nor the reasons behind the proposal.
Crime has not diminished since 1841, prisons continue to be planned for and built. The declaration of Mann has failed, the promises of our teachers in 1931 have likewise not held true. It is not clear as I write this that Mann even gave his predecessor credit for his arrogant self-styled discovery:
58) Plato Republic 365d
[365d] But all the same if we expect to be happy, we must pursue the path to which the footprints of our arguments point. For with a view to lying hid we will organize societies and political clubs, and there are teachers of cajolery who impart the arts of the popular assembly and the court-room. So that, partly by persuasion, partly by force, we shall contrive to overreach with impunity.
59) Plato Republic 377b
[377b] For it is then that it is best molded and takes the impression that one wishes to stamp upon it." "Quite so." "Shall we, then, thus lightly suffer our children to listen to any chance stories fashioned by any chance teachers and so to take into their minds opinions for the most part contrary to those that we shall think it desirable for them to hold when they are grown up?" "By no manner of means will we allow it."
So perhaps the visionary promises for yet another new and improved future ought to be taken cautiously and slowly and with consideration that utopia might just not be a tax raise away. Francis Bacon's New Atlantis is not to be tomorrow, though his "four idols" bear revisiting. The first was "idols of the tribe," or as described by Charles van Doren in "A History of Knowledge", " The latest theory always seems the truest, until the next theory comes along." Though it may not even be conscious to teachers or to the politicians of any particular flavor, there is an historic tension between teachers and politicians:
61) Plato Republic 493a
[493a] in the present condition of society and government, in saying that the providence of God preserves it you will not be speaking ill." "Neither do I think otherwise," he said. "Then," said I, "think this also in addition." "What?" "Each of these private teachers who work for pay, whom the politicians call sophists and regard as their rivals, inculcates nothing else than these opinions of the multitude which they opine when they are assembled and calls this knowledge wisdom. It is as if a man were acquiring the knowledge of the humors and desires of a great strong beast which he had in his keeping,
1) Aeschines Against Timarchus 9
[1.9] In the first place, consider the case of the teachers. Although the very livelihood of these men, to whom we necessarily entrust our own children, depends on their good character, while the opposite conduct on their part would mean poverty, yet it is plain that the lawgiver distrusts them; for he expressly prescribes, first, at what time of day the free-born boy is to go to the school-room; next, how many other boys may go there with him, and when he is to go home.
De Tocqueville collected several observations he felt worthy of quoting during his tour of the US as he assessed the prison system:
In: Tocqueville In America, Pierson, George Wilson, Hopkins U Press
ISBN 0-8018-5506-3 pp 395-396.
Joseph Tuckerman 1778-1840, Harvard Graduate and roomate there of Joseph Story. (Upon whom the Tuckerman Institute at Liverpool dealing with revolutionized ways of dealing with the poor.) A leader of the new Unitarian movement.
On the 27th of September, Tocqeville had ventured to recur to the topic that Louis Dwight had first broached.
Mr. Tuckerman said to them:'For God's sake, do not create in France a fund for the support of a school. Or, at least, make it so insufficient that it serves only as encouragement. We have observed that when the towns knew that the government paid all the funds for education, they became quite indifferent about their schools. Whereas, when they put their own money into it, they took a great interest in seeing that it should be well employed. It's to this cause that we attribute the superiority of the Massachusetts schools over those of Connecticut.
'The same thing has already been said by Mr. Spencer at Canandaigua,' Tocqueville recalled. 'He claimed that the same remark applied to every kind of town or district interest.'
...
In the absence of such reports, Tocqueville thought it well to take some general notes.
"Public Instruction" he wrote, "In New England the law obliges all towns containing 80 families or proprietors to have a school where are taught reading, writing, English grammar, geography, and arithmetic at least six months a year.
It obliges all the towns having 500 families to have a school where is taught the history of the United States, the art of surveying, geometry, algebra.
Finally, in each town containing 4000 inhabitants, the master shall be equiped to teach Latin, Greek, and the history of other countries."
In Tocqueville In America, Pierson, George Wilson, Hopkins U Press ISBN 0-8018-5506-3 p.221 (answer of J.C.Spencer 1788-1855m Superintendent of the Common Schools
NY State)
Tocqueville:
How is your public education organized?
Spencer:
The state has a special fund set aside for this use. portions of this fund are accorded to counties which need it, in proportion to the efforts which the latter are willing to make themselves. For it is generally admitted with us that the state should always help and never do the job all itself. It is thought that the individuals, who give their money and who are on the spot, are by interest and situation in a position to give to the application of the fund a watchful attention of which a great administration would be incapable. Besides, we want as far as possible to create local interests. This combination of state and township money (commune) attains both objectives admirably. Education awakes here the solicitude of all. The people being really King, everyone feels the need of enlightening it.
A fair question might be what is the actual perception of our young scholars toward the level of civility in their classrooms. The following figure is educational:

Aristotle ( who studied 158 constitutions as you may recall) took a step away from Plato's statist view of strict and proper schooling, but Marx would be delighted at seeing the 10th point of his Communist Manifesto "Free education for all children in public schools," so thoroughly supported by at best current neo-Platonists.
Aristotle, Ethics (384-322 BC) Book 10 approximately at 1180b1-26 (page 339 Penguin Classics ed.)
The instruction and habits prescribed by a father have as much force in the household as laws and customs have in the state, and even more, because of the tie of blood and the children's sense of benefits received; for they are influenced from the outset by natural affection and docility. Moreover, individual tuition, like individual treatment in medicine, is actually superior to the public sort. For example, as a general rule rest and fasting are beneficial in a case of fever, but not, perhaps, for a particular patient; and presumably a boxing instructor does not make all his pupils adopt the same manner of fighting. It would seem, then, that particular cases receive more accurate treatment when individual attention is given, because then each person is more likely to get what suits him.
Mann, Dewey, and the innumerable other copyists, making sure we do not leave out Fichte, have all urged the split of the child from the family for educational purposes. First a comment on Mann and his political allies:
One of the most interesting byproducts of Prussian schooling turned out to be the two most devastating wars of modern history. Erich Maria Remarque, in his classic "All Quiet on the Western Front" tells us that the First World War was caused by the tricks of schoolmasters, and the famous Protestant theologian Dietrich Bonhoeffer said that the Second World War was the inevitable product of good schooling.
It's important to underline that Bonhoeffer meant that literally, not metaphorically - schooling after the Prussian fashion removes the ability of the mind to think for itself. It teaches people to wait for a teacher to tell them what to do and if what they have done is good or bad. Prussian teaching paralyzes the moral will as well as the intellect. It's true that sometimes well-schooled students sound smart, because they memorize many opinions of great thinkers, but they actually are badly damaged because their own ability to think is left rudimentary and undeveloped.
["Compulsory education" is only on what to "know". It is far more important to know how to think; and knowing what to know comes automatically to the independent individual who knows how to think. Another problem is that some areas of what is "taught" in these "schools" as "knowledge", is actually brainwashing - not useful facts.]
...[C]ompulsion schooling, a bad idea that had been around at least since Plato's "Republic," a bad idea that New England had tried to enforce in 1650 without any success, was finally rammed through the Massachusetts legislature in 1852. It was, of course, the famous "Know-Nothing" legislature that passed this law, a legislature that was the leading edge of a famous secret society which flourished at that time known as "The Order of the Star Spangled Banner," whose password was the simple sentence, "I know nothing" - hence the popular label attached to the secret society's political arm, "The American Party."
Over the next 50 years state after state followed suit, ending schools of choice and ceding the field to a new government monopoly. There was one powerful exception to this - the children who could afford to be privately educated. It's important to note that the underlying premise of Prussian schooling is that the government is the true parent of children - the State is sovereign over the family. At the most extreme pole of this notion is the idea that biological parents are really the enemies of their own children, not to be trusted. You can see this philosophy at work in court decisions which rule that parents need not be told when schools dispense condoms to their children, or consulted when daughters seek abortion.
How did a Prussian system of dumbing children down take hold in American schools? ... Virtually every single one of the founders of American schooling had made the pilgrimage to Germany, and many of these men wrote widely circulated reports praising the Teutonic methods. Horace Mann's famous "7th Report" of 1844, still available in large libraries, was perhaps the most important of these.
By 1889, a little more than 100 years ago, the crop was ready for harvest. In that year the U.S. Commissioner of Education, William Torrey Harris, assured a railroad magnate, Collis Huntington, that American schools were "scientifically designed" to prevent "over-education" from happening. The average American would be content with his humble role in life, said the commissioner, because he would not be tempted to think about any other role. My guess is that Harris meant he would not be able to think about any other role.
In 1896 the famous John Dewey, then at the University of Chicago, said that independent, self-reliant people were a counter-productive anachronism in the collective society of the future. In modern society, said Dewey, people would be defined by their associations - the groups they belonged to - not by their own individual accomplishments. In such a world people who read too well or too early are dangerous because they become privately empowered, they know too much, and know how to find out what they don't know by themselves, without consulting experts.
Dewey said the great mistake of traditional pedagogy was to make reading and writing constitute the bulk of early schoolwork. He advocated that the phonics method of teaching reading be abandoned and replaced by the whole word method, not because the latter was more efficient (he admitted it was less efficient) but because independent thinkers are produced by hard books, thinkers who cannot be socialized very easily. By socialization Dewey meant a program of social objectives administered by the best social thinkers in government. This was a giant step on the road to state socialism, the form pioneered in Prussia, and it is a vision radically disconnected from the American past, its historic hopes and dreams.
Dewey's former professor and close friend, G. Stanley Hall, said this at about the same time. "Reading should no longer be a fetish. Little attention should be paid to reading." Hall was one of the three men most responsible for building a gigantic administrative infrastructure over the classroom. How enormous that structure really became can only be understood by comparisons: New York State, for instance, employs more school administrators than all of the European Economic Community nations combined.
...Bertrand Russell once observed that American schooling was among the most radical experiments in human history, that America was deliberately denying its children the tools of critical thinking. When you want to teach children to think, you begin by treating them seriously when they are little, giving them responsibilities, talking to them candidly, providing privacy and solitude for them, making them readers and thinkers of significant thoughts from the beginning. There is no evidence that has been a State purpose since the start of compulsion schooling.
When Fredrich Froebel, the inventor of kindergarten in 19th century Germany, fashioned his idea he did not have a "garden for children" in mind, but a metaphor of teachers as gardeners and children as the vegetables. Kindergarten was created to be a way to break the influence of mothers on their children.
David T. Freeman, 1997
Perhaps a little description of what was actually put in place would help with the perspective here:
The fact is, however, that most American schools were ungraded until the second half of the nineteenth century, the graded school having been introduced in the United States in 1848, when the Quincy Grammar School in Boston, Massachusetts, opened its doors. A number of educators, impressed with the graded schools they had seen in Germany, had been proposing adoption of the technique in this country. The Quincy School was the first built for that purpose; it contained twelve rooms of equal size, four to a floor, in which a teacher and some fifty-five children would meet for a year at a time. The men who created the school predicted that it would set the pattern of American schooling for another fifty years. Their estimate was clearly conservative.
Charles Silberman, Crisis in the Classroom: The Remaking of American Education (New York: Random House, 1970)
p. 166And then perhaps more pointedly a look at Dewey and the legacy he has left:
Thales to Dewey, Gordon Clark, Houghton Mifflin Co., Boston, 1957, pp532-533.
"Apparently the conclusion is that Dewey cannot give a rational argument for or against any moral standard."
"To avoid a subjectivism of widespread disagreement as to ends of action Dewey cautiously hints at a type of ethical theory that would scientifically investigate the causes of decisions. If such a theory could be constructed, it would be possible by its techniques to manipulate human nature as successfully as we now manipulate physical matter. Presumably Dewey was not anticipating the Red Chinese techniques of brain washing. He disclaims a desire to alter human nature by external force. What he has in mind, he does not quite reveal. Possibly he means that a group of people, who already share his desire, could get control of public education and prevent the children from thinking along unapproved lines. Then in a generation or two morality would be objective because the population would have been habituated to desire just the social reconstruction Dewey demands.
"Here again, one gains the impression that Dewey had imposed a foreign meaning on the term objectivity as he did with the terms knowledge and value. The objectivity of public uniformity produced by political manipulation of human nature is not the objectivity that rationalists and theists have always demanded. Dewey's objectivity grows out of the personal subjective preferences of a few politicians or social reformers. As there are, however, in any historical situation, different preferences, plans, desires, one is forced to ask whether there is any rational argument for choosing Dewey's ideal rather than another? To some Dewey's idea is as repulsive as theirs is to him. And even to a "liberal," particularly if he is tired, success may not seem worth the effort. Why not just commit suicide and save oneself the bother? Why not!"
Augustine had a better approach I think:
There is no greater reason why our discourse should become valueless in our own estimate, when we are engaged in teaching the uninstructed, than this,--namely, that it is a delight to us to discern in an extraordinary fashion, and a weariness to speak in an ordinary. And in reality we are listened to with much greater satisfaction, indeed, when we ourselves also have pleasure in the same work; for the thread of our address is affected by the very joy of which we ourselves are sensible, and it proceeds from us with greater ease and with more acceptance.
Augustine, On Catechizing the Uncatechized
Actually, Agricola is described nicely by Tacitus as having an interesting educational plan for insinuating an entire whole culture:
Tacitus, Agricola, A.D. 98 Penguin Edition, Chapter 21
The following winter was spent on schemes of social betterment. Agricola had to deal with people living in isolation and ignorance, and therefore prone to fight; and his object was to accustom them to a life of peace and quiet by the provision of amenities. He therefore gave private encouragement and official assistance to the building of temples, public squares, and good houses. He praised the energetic and scolded the slack; and competition for honour proved as effective as compulsion. Furthermore, he educated the sons of chiefs in the liberal arts, and expressed a preference for British ability as compared with the trained skills of the Gauls. The result was that instead of loathing the Latin language they became eager to speak it effectively. In the same way, our national dress came into favour and the toga was everywhere to be seen. And so the population was gradually led into the demoralizing temptations of arcades, baths, and sumptuous banquets. The unsuspecting Britons spoke of such novelties as "civilization," when in fact they were only a feature of their enslavement.
Till of course the Romans abandoned their entire by then entrenched community in Britain.
Herbert Spencer had a number of observations and predictions regarding the failure of schools to, having once been established, ever remaining tame, but would rather continue to eat funds and resources with no end in sight:
Nor does enumeration of these further measures of coercive rule, looming on us near at hand or in the distance, complete the account. Nothing more than cursory allusion has yet been made to that accompanying compulsion which takes the form of increased taxation, general and local. Partly for defraying the costs of caring out these ever-multiplying coercive measures, each of which requires an additional staff of officers, and partly to meet the outlay for new public institutions, such as board-schools, free libraries, public museums, baths and wash-houses, recreation grounds, etc., etc., local rates are year after year increased; as the general taxation is increased by grants for education and to the departments of science and art, etc. Every one of these involves further coercion -- restricts still more the freedom of the citizen. For the implied address accompanying every additional exaction is -- "Hitherto you have been free to spend this portion of your earnings in any way which pleased you; hereafter you shall not be free so to spend it, but we will spend it for the general benefit." Thus, either directly or indirectly, and in most cases both at once, the citizen is at each further stage in the growth of this compulsory legislation, deprived of some liberty which he previously had. Such, then, are the doings of the party which claims the name of Liberal; and which calls itself Liberal as being the advocate of extended freedom. I doubt not that many a member of the party has read the preceding section with impatience; wanting, as he does, to point out an immense oversight which he thinks destroys the validity of the argument. "You forget," he wishes to say, "the fundamental difference between the power which, in the past, established those restraints that Liberalism abolished, and the power which, in the present, establishes the restraints you call anti-Liberal. You forget that the one was an irresponsible power, while the other is a responsible power. You forget that if by the recent legislation of Liberals, people are variously regulated, the body which regulates them is of their own creating, and has their warrant for its acts." My answer is, that I have not forgotten this difference, but am prepared to contend that the difference is in large measure irrelevant to the issue. In the first place, the real issue is whether the lives of citizens are more interfered with than they were; not the nature of the agency which interferes with them.
The diffusion of education has worked, and will work still more, in the same direction. "We must educate our masters," is the well-known saying of a Liberal who opposed the last extension of the franchise. Yes, if the education were worthy to be so called, and were relevant to the political enlightenment needed, much might be hoped from it. But knowing rules of syntax, being able to add up correctly, having geographical information, and a memory stocked with the dates of kings' accessions and generals' victories, no more implies fitness to form political conclusions than acquirement of skill in drawing implies expertness in telegraphing, or than ability to play cricket implies proficiency on the violin. "Surely," rejoins some one, "facility in reading opens the way to political knowledge." Doubtless; but will the way be followed? Table-talk proves that nine out of ten people read what amuses them or interests them rather than what instructs them; and that the last thing they read is something which tells them disagreeable truths or dispels groundless hopes. That popular education results in an extensive reading of publications which foster pleasant illusions rather than of those which insist on hard realities, is beyond question. Says "A Mechanic," writing in the Pall Mall Gazette of December 3, 1883: -- "Improved education instills the desire for culture -- culture instills the desire for many things as yet quite beyond working men's reach... in the furious competition to which the present age is given up they are utterly impossible to the poorer classes; hence they are discontented with things as they are, and the more educated the more discontented. Hence, too, Mr Ruskin and Mr Morris are regarded as true prophets by many of us." And that the connexion of cause and effect here alleged is a real one, we may see clearly enough in the present state of Germany. Being possessed of electoral power, as are now the mass of those who are thus led to nurture sanguine anticipations of benefits to be obtained by social reorganization, it results that whoever seeks their votes must at least refrain from exposing their mistaken beliefs; even if he does not yield to the temptation to express agreement with them. Every candidate for Parliament is prompted to propose or support some new piece of ad captandum legislation. Nay, even the chiefs of parties -- these anxious to retain office and those to wrest it from them -- severally aim to get adherents by outbidding one another. Each seeks popularity by promising more than his opponent has promised, as we have lately seen. And then, as divisions in Parliament show us, the traditional loyalty to leaders overrides questions concerning the intrinsic propriety of proposed measures. Representatives are unconscientious enough to vote for Bills which they believe to be wrong in principle, because party-needs and regard for the net election demand it. And thus a vicious policy is strengthened even by those who see its viciousness. Meanwhile there goes on out-of-doors an active propaganda to which all these influences are ancillary.
Moreover, every additional State-interference strengthens the tacit assumption that it is the duty of the State to deal with all evils and secure all benefits. Increasing power of a growing administrative organization is accompanied by decreasing power of the rest of the society to resist its further growth and control. The multiplication of careers opened by a developing bureaucracy, tempts members of the classes regulated by it to favour its extension, as adding to the chances of safe and respectable places for their relatives. The people at large, led to look on benefits received through public agencies as gratis benefits, have their hopes continually excited by the prospects of more. A spreading education, furthering the diffusion of pleasing errors rather than of stern truths, renders such hopes both stronger and more general. Worse still, such hopes are ministered to by candidates for public choice, to augment their chances of success; and leading statesmen, in pursuit of party ends, bid for popular favour by countenancing them. Getting repeated justifications from new laws harmonizing with their doctrines, political enthusiasts and unwise philanthropists push their agitations with growing confidence and success. Journalism, ever responsive to popular opinion, daily strengthens it by giving it voice; while counter-opinion, more and more discouraged, finds little utterance. Thus influences of various kinds conspire to increase corporate action and decrease individual action. And the change is being on all sides aided by schemers, each of whom thinks only of his pet project and not at all of the general re-organization which his, joined with others such, are working out. It is said that the French Revolution devoured its own children. Here an analogous catastrophe seems not unlikely. The numerous socialistic changes made by Act of Parliament, joined with the numerous others presently to be made, will by-and-by be all merged in State-Socialism -- swallowed in the vast wave which they have little by little raised. "But why is this change described as 'the coming slavery'?" is a question which many will still ask. The reply is simple. All socialism involves slavery. What is essential to the idea of a slave? We primarily think of him as one who is owned by another. To be more than nominal, however, the ownership must be shown by control of the slave's actions -- a control which is habitually for the benefit of the controller. That which fundamentally distinguishes the slave is that he labours under coercion to satisfy another's desires. The relation admits of sundry gradations. Remembering that originally the slave is a prisoner whose life is at the mercy of his captor, it suffices here to note that there is a harsh form of slavery in which, treated as an animal, he has to expend his entire effort for his owner's advantage.
The Man versus the State by Herbert Spencer 1884 Preface The Westminster Review for April 1860, "Parliamentary Reform: the Dangers and the Safeguards."
Spencer might have gone on to refer to motivations for some of the more flamboyant plans by referring to Aristotle or Duke William of Saxe-Weimar. The latter is particularly interesting if not well known. By the time of both Spencer, Mann, even the adoption of theNew Hampshire constitution, there was the following bit of history already over 150 years old, no secret, readily available to the inquiring, and preceding the current references hanging up on "Prussia" as the model of American compulsory education:
Given, however, that according to the Peace of Augsburg (1555) the prince of a territory had the right to determine the religion of his subjects (cuius regio, eius religio), it was only a question of time till a Protestant ruler would reason that attendance at these schools was in his own best interest as well as in that of the individual and the Church, and that therefore it must be compulsory. This crucial moment came in 1619, in the small German duchy of Saxe-Weimar.
We are now entering a period in European history that is known as Absolutism, that is, the age of princes with unlimited power. Germany had developed into a patchwork of often very small principalities, and many of the princelings found that, in order to imitate the extravagances of the French court, the profligate standard of Europe, they had to exploit their little territories ruthlessly. This works best, of course, when the population is co-operative, in the belief that despotism is divinely ordained and that sedition is a crime and mortal sin. The schools offered themselves as an expedient institution to train the ideal subject. It would be unjust to say that Duke William of Saxe-Weimar did not also have the spiritual and temporal welfare of his subjects at heart, according to the insights of his time, but mainly he needed -- at the outbreak of the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648) -- money, provisions and, most importantly, obedient bodies.
It had taken less than three hundred years for the Church -- the harbinger of the Kingdom of Heaven, of universal peace and good will -- to become a willing accomplice in bloody power politics (ironically, in order to escape her temporal destiny -- suffering), and when after thirteen hundred years she undertook to reform herself from the worst abuses into which she had fallen, she was able to do so only by affirming her subservience to temporal power; and the state lost little time (less than a hundred years) in laying its heavy hand on her most expedient -- and most dangerous -- reformational institution: universal public education.
We make here no distinction between the Reformation and the Counter Reformation; for, all denominations, Roman Catholics as well as Protestants, paid homage to temporal power, whether they espoused it in the form of a clergy-dominated theocracy or borrowed it in the form of the secular sword wielded by secular hands. Only the Anabaptists, whose relation to the state is reduced to the level of scripturally required nonresistance and who in any case do not count themselves among the main-stream Protestants, their beginnings in many cases predating the Reformation considerably, may here be exempted.
The prototype of modern state-controlled education in Saxe-Weimar was largely overshadowed by the ravages of the Thirty Years’ War, a "religious" war, that laid waste vast stretches of central Europe and reduced the population there by about two thirds: the world was still too busy attempting to control people’s beliefs by brute force to pay attention to what in retrospect was an important experiment in peaceful thought control. Only the neighbouring duchy of Saxe-Gotha followed in 1639 the example of Saxe-Weimar. Indeed, it was not till 1717 that the foundations were laid for the one model of state-controlled education that eventually would attract the attention of the world. In that year King Frederick William I of Prussia (1713-1740), the "Soldier King," issued an "advisory" edict ordering parents, on pain of "rigorous punishment," to send their children to school.
Frederick William I was in many ways an enlightened man: for instance, he liberated the serfs on the royal domains, and as a devout Pietist he avoided war, his cognomen notwithstanding (he merely heeded the age-old maxim of Si vis pacem, para bellum, if you wish peace, prepare for war) As an absolute monarch he pursued the establishment of a military and civil-service state, demanding unconditional subordination of all his subjects, and he was not above trading in humans, to indulge his hobby of the Tall Guards, men well over six feet, whom he acquired from all over Europe (some of his sovereign compeers, in order to fill their coffers, sold their subjects in large numbers as soldiers or colonists).
Everyone in Prussia, following the example of the king, was to work hard, and be disciplined and thrifty to improve the fortune of the "state" - an entity more abstract than the laws of Sparta. The "Sun King," Louis XIV of France (1643-1715), had once said, in truly absolutist fashion, "L’état c’est moi (I am the State)"; now Frederick the Great (1740-1786), the son of Frederick William I, said, "The prince is the first servant of the State."
Our state-controlled social studies programmes would have us believe that the modern totalitarian state is a manifestation of certain well-defined ideologies, such as fascism and communism. History, however, teaches us that totalitarianism appears in degrees wherever any ideology, lust for power, or entrenched self-interest influence political decisions and administrative measures, abrogating individual rights and freedoms in favour of egoism or abstract concerns. No government, not even our much exalted "free and democratic" one, is free of more or less pronounced totalitarian streaks. Thus the institution of compulsory education and school attendance, and the mandating of how much and what sort of history is to be taught are not simply authoritarian but rather totalitarian measures. The first modern totalitarian government taking hold of the individual under the guise of lofty but otherwise anonymous abstractions is that of Frederick the Great of Prussia.
From 1763 to 1765 Frederick the Great issued a series of decrees that constitute the first full-fledged school code (his father had issued a less comprehensive one already fifty years earlier), which regulated compulsory attendance (all boys and girls between the ages of five and fourteen), fines for truancy, discipline, school hours, vacations, fees and their possible remission, training and certification of teachers, curriculum content and textbooks -- nothing was left to chance or choice except, perhaps, dress where this had not been dealt with under discipline and propriety. Schools were to be established only by, or with the consent of, the state, and all state-run schools were to be strictly secular, that is, the Church, of whatever denomination, was politely elbowed out of the mainstream of education. Frederick the Great set aside all pretence of religion in state affairs; in his schools any religious teaching was to be summed up in the golden rule, And as ye would that men should do to you, do ye also to them likewise (Lk. 6:31). When the king was informed of an unwholesome atmosphere between Catholics and Protestants, he wrote on the margin of the report: "All religions must be tolerated, but the state must see to it that one does not disadvantage another; for here everybody must find salvation according to his own fashion."
Education in Prussia was utilitarian and socially divided; neither of the aforementioned monarchs was interested in seeing his subjects rise above their station in life. Schools were meant to give the individual a set of moral rules and equip him with the practical knowledge for his occupation, to make him productive for the state and submissive to authority (after the invention of the bicycle Germans referred to the typical Prussian civil servant as a "cyclist," that is, one who bows to those above and treads on those below). The system worked.
Frederick the Great inherited a state treasure of eight million dollars in 1740, which he, through ups and downs and in spite of his many military campaigns, increased to fifty-one million by the time of his own death in 1786. Frederick’s German neighbours could not possibly have overlooked such a striking demonstration of what state-controlled education can contribute to an economy, and by the end of the century most had followed the Prussian example.
The world at large, however, was strangely oblivious to these German developments in education. It began to take note only when Prussia, against great odds, obtained militarily first against Austria in 1866, and then, in 1871, against France. These successes were partly seen as victories of the Prussian schoolmaster and made western Europe aware of the importance of popular education, though France had sent an observer to study the Prussian system already in 1831. But it was not till the last quarter of the century, when the evil side-effects of the Industrial Revolution could no longer be ignored, that the world focused its attention on the Prussian model of education as a ready-made solution to a new and urgent social problem.
The Industrial Revolution had uprooted much of the traditional agricultural society. Masses of people had to leave the countryside and move to the cities where they had to work in factories and live in slums. Since wages were such that in most cases both the father and the mother had to work, the children were mainly left to their own devices - if they not also were forced to work for a pittance. All manner of child abuse and juvenile delinquency were rampant. Virtually the only effective means of control that men open-minded to the problem could think of was some form of what we now call day care, to remove those children from the dangerous streets and the squalid dwellings for at least part of the day and teach them at the same time the elements of reading, writing and reckoning, together with some moral rules so that they, if they were not able to improve upon the lot of their parents, would at least become law-abiding citizens and a better skilled workforce.
At first these day-care schools were private and haphazard efforts; governments were loath to provide any money. However, when it became clear that only sweeping measures would make any real difference, governments in Great Britain, France and North America looked at Germany and enacted their own adaptations of the Prussian solution (though to this day national pride forbids some educational scholars in those parts to admit this).
Great Britain legislated compulsory schooling in 1880, and France in 1882. In the United States and in Canada, where the real necessity of solving an urgent social problem due to industrialization and urbanization was combined with the perceived need to hasten the assimilation of large numbers of ethnically divers immigrants, the introduction of compulsory schooling varied from jurisdiction to jurisdiction. The State of Massachusetts legislated compulsory attendance as early as 1850, though the children of the last hold-outs against this in America unprecedented usurpation of a parental prerogative by the state were marched to school by the militia only some thirty years later; in the Province of Manitoba school attendance was not mandated till 1916.
To summarize, the idea of universal education through public schooling was first conceived and put into practice for the sole purpose of man’s spiritual betterment by the Protestant reformers. Since, however, the mainstream reformed Church was not able to free herself from
the bondage to the state, into which the early Church had unwisely given herself, but fell - due to her own preoccupation with power and success - into a yet greater dependency on the secular sword; and since public schools offered themselves as an expedient for the training of
docile and industrious subjects, the state, in short order, took control of those schools.
Frederick the Great of Prussia, who created the first consistent system of state-controlled popular education, did not do so to solve a social problem; on the contrary, in more than one way he generated one by depriving farmers, artisans and merchants of the help of their children for the better part of the day, by alienating the young from the family and by producing a new breed of men submissive to any authority. His primary objects were the exercise of power without let or hindrance, and the interest of a sovereign and abstract "state," which he considered to be also in the best interest of his subjects. When less than a century later the Industrial Revolution burdened the world with a genuine social problem, concerned governments everywhere eventually recognized in the Prussian system of state-controlled popular education the solution, which, as it were, had just been waiting for its real problem to occur.
There is yet one significant difference between the autocratic Prussian king and the modern, democratic heirs of the sovereign state: a year before his death the enlightened despot wrote on the margin of one of his executive orders, "I am tired of ruling over slaves" - democratic governments come and go without showing any such fatigue.
Our social studies programmes are designed to promote the idea that more government and, by implication, more state control in education are better although there is every indication that less government is best. While in Prussia and then virtually everywhere education was controlled by the state, there is now mounting evidence that modern educational systems more and more control the state. Modern public systems have grown into bloated, Byzantine bodies within the body politic, insatiable of funds. In order to justify their demands for ever more money, these systems advance chiefly the following claims: 1. Without comfortable schools and attractive programmes the state would have to provide some other, equally expensive day-care facilities to keep children and adolescents off the street and under control while at the same time preparing them for integration into society and the work force. 2. Education generally and the care of special-needs students in particular require a degree of professionalism that is possible only in large systems. 3. Only in schools can the young be properly socialized; unschooled children run a greater risk of being maladjusted and becoming a burden to society.
One must admit that the first two claims have some validity, given that the vast majority of parents can or will not undertake the care and education of their children entirely on their own, be it for reasons of conviction, of economics or of competence. Public day-care in the form of kindergarten and school is not only an immodest expectation but, paradoxically, a practical necessity in modern society, a necessity that must ultimately be dealt with by governments, and nobody would deny that this responsibility should be carried out in a professional manner.
However, it is very debatable whether large state-controlled systems and institutions provide the best solution to the problem (school boards are agents of the state); there is rather overwhelming evidence that here also private enterprise is in a better position to offer cost-efficient services and deliver real quality due to competitive pressure. Defenders of the state-controlled establishment will now point toward "equal opportunity versus elitism"; yet if equal opportunity translates into mediocrity, as it appears to in practice, then elitism no longer seems so undesirable. Curricula tailored to a least common denominator of abilities may be an excellent day-care tool where all comers must be accommodated, but they may not necessarily lead to excellence in education - unless one willfully re-defines the latter term.
Eckehart Marenholtz
John Stuart Mill wrote:
"A general State education is a mere contrivance for moulding people to be exactly like one another; and the mould in which it casts them is that which pleases the predominant power in the government, whether this be a monarch, a priesthood, an aristocracy, or the majority of the existing generation; in proportion as it is efficient and successful, it establishes a despotism over the mind, leading by natural tendency to one over the body."
- John Stuart Mill, On Liberty
But for the United States some numbers regarding actual literacy rates in the past would be helpful:
Education was so widespread in the non-slave states that literacy was higher before the advent of the tax-run "public schools" than it is today. In the 1830s, Alexis de Tocqueville commented that there was nothing like the American education system in the rest of the world. While the average number of days in school was lower than today, literacy measurements were remarkably high. In 1860, for instance, 94 percent of the population in the free states, and 84 percent of the free population in the slave states, were considered literate. (James M. McPherson, Ordeal by Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction, New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982, p 24)
Prior to the advent of compulsory attendance, American parents had to convince their children of the importance of education. Parents decided how many days and how many years a child would attend. The compulsory attendance legislation that was completed in the 1910s took parents off the hook. Rather than discuss and convince, today's parents can tell their children, "It's the law."
Raising children is a struggle. Society's attempt to use government to reduce this struggle has lifted responsibility from parents. The absence of responsibility is irresponsibility. Who is to blame? It takes two to tango. Educators told parents that experts could improve society if children were forced into their schools. Parents accepted the offers of partial relief from the burdens of child raising. Ben Franklin said that exchanging freedom for security is a bad bargain-you end up with neither. Parents made a bad bargain with educators. But blaming parents isn't the important thing. The important thing is for parents to reassert stewardship over their children's education. (Fritz Marshall)
Aristotle points in the passage below, if read with an eye for it, to a possible and highly intriguing reason for the profound hesitancy and withholding of opinion by many or even criticism of the current public educational system:
Aristotle Rhetoric 1385a
[1385a] for rivalry presumes admiration. Men also feel shame when they are connected with actions or things which entail disgrace, for which either they themselves, or their ancestors, or any others with whom they are closely connected are responsible. In a word, men feel shame for those whom they themselves respect; such are those mentioned and those who have any relation to them, for instance, whose teachers or advisers they have been; similarly, when they are in rivalry with others who are like them; for there are many things which they either do or do not do owing to the feeling of shame which these men inspire. And they are more likely to be ashamed when they have to be seen and to associate openly with those who are aware of their disgrace. Wherefore the tragic poet Antiphon, when he was about to be flogged to death by order of Dionysius, seeing that those who were to die with him covered their faces as they passed through the gates, said, "Why cover your faces? Is it because you are afraid that one of the crowd should see you tomorrow?" Let this account of shame suffice; as for shamelessness, it is evident that we shall be able to obtain ample knowledge of it from the contrary arguments. The persons towards whom men feel benevolent, and for what reasons, and in what frame of mind, will be clear when we have defined what favor is. Let it then be taken to be the feeling in accordance with which one who has it is said to render a service to one who needs it, not in return for something nor in the interest of him who renders it, but in that of the recipient. And the favor will be great if the recipient is in pressing need, or if the service or the times and circumstances are important or difficult, or if the benefactor is the only one, or the first who has rendered it, or has done so in the highest degree. By needs I mean longings, especially for things the failure to obtain which is accompanied by pain; such are the desires, for instance, love; also those which arise in bodily sufferings and dangers, for when a man is in pain or danger he desires something. That is why those who help a man who is poor or an exile, even if the service be ever so small, are regarded with favor owing to the urgency and occasion of the need; for instance, the man who gave the mat to another in the Lyceum. It is necessary then, if possible, that the service should be in the same direction; if not, that it should apply to cases of similar or greater need. Since then it is evident on what occasions, for what reasons, and in what frame of mind a feeling of benevolence arises, it is clear that we must derive our arguments from this--to show that the one side either has been, or still is, in such pain or need, and that the other has rendered, or is rendering, such a service in such a time of need. It is evident also by what means it is possible to make out that there is no favor at all, or that those who render it are not actuated by benevolence
In the U.S., Zachariah Montgomery in 1886 took the trouble to compare some less than cheerful, actually rather startling, statistics with US Census data. In each case he reviewed, following the mandated take over of education by the state from the municipalities or towns, there was a rise in suicide and crime. From Chapter 4 of his "Poison Drops:"
The gratuitous and utterly unsupported assertion has sometimes been made by the friends of State-controlled education that the reason why statistics show the largest list of criminals in those localities where the most money has been lavished upon the public schools is because those are the only localities where the criminals are all, or nearly all, caught and convicted; while in those places where there is little or no public-school training the criminals cannot be caught.
As we have already seen, it was in the early period of their first settlement in America that the colonists of Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Rhode Island tried the experiment of taking from the fathers and mothers the educational control of their own children and entrusting it to the general public, while six other colonies, to wit, Maryland, Virginia, Delaware, Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina left this educational control of children in the hands of parents, their natural guardians. With slight exceptions, in a few of the last-named communities, (towards the close of the period,) this experiment continued down to 1860.
The comparative number of suicides in these two localities, as shown by the United States Census Reports for that year, was as follows. (
See tables ante.)
|
Where the State Controlled Education
Suicides |
Where the Parents Controlled Education Suicides |
||
|
Maine |
1 to every 19,738 |
Maryland |
1 to every 49,074 |
|
New Hampshire |
1 to every 10,518 |
Virginia |
1 to every 53,210 |
|
Vermont |
1 to every 15,749 |
Delaware |
1 to every 56,108 |
|
Massachusetts |
1 to every 11,191 |
Georgia |
1 to every 48,058 |
|
Connecticut |
1 to every 16,433 |
North Carolina |
1 to every 66,074 |
|
Rhode Island |
1 to every 12,472 |
South Carolina |
1 to every 87,963 |
|
Aggregate |
1 to every 13,285 |
Aggregate |
1 to every 56,584 |
An analysis of these figures will show that in every solitary instance where the political State had controlled the education and training of children, the ratio of suicides ranged from 250 percent to 800 percent higher than where the education and training had been left to parental control, while the aggregate ratio shows over four times as many suicides under State education as under parental education. This enormous excess in the number of suicides amongst people educated under State control over that found amongst those educated under parental control must have a cause, and a cause adequate to the effect.
And in the current times, for an interesting comparison, from the latest statewide survey:
1997 New Hampshire Youth Risk Behavior Survey Results:
SUICIDE
25.0% of the students seriously considered attempting suicide during the past 12 months. 15% males; 33% females
20.0% of the students made a plan about how they would attempt suicide during the past 12 months. 15% males; 25% females
10.0% of the students actually attempted suicide one or more times during the past 12 months. 5% males; 14% females
3.0% of the students who attempted suicide resulting in an injury, poisoning, or overdose had to be treated by a doctor or nurse during the past 12 months. 2% males; 3% females
And clearly unaware of the details above, the columnist Walter Williams, perhaps ominously in regards to what has transpired, pointed out:
(The Arizona Republic, September 3, 1992), "The education that most kids receive is nothing to write home about; however, that received by black youngsters is criminal... 46 percent of white - and 54 percent of black - Chicago public school teachers have their own children in private schools."
Far from the educational establishment claims of a predicted "cure" for society's diseases, and with none other than the father of American Psychiatry, Dr. Benjamin Rush prescribing public schooling, there is this to give pause to:
Let our pupil be taught that he does not belong to himself, but that he is public property... He must be taught to amass wealth, but it must be only to increase his power of contributing to the wants and demands of the state.
Dr. Rush, author of the above and signer of the Declaration of Independence, died 1813, was solidly in that camp supporting compulsory education earlier, but what generations of parents have found was that the separation of children from families led to what might be later called the "Lord of the Flies Syndrome." The prescription has not helped the "patients," the students, the country nor today do we have good news from TIMSS on the 12th Grade Math and Science scores. As I recall these were not publicized with much detail when they came out so here are a few charts and graphs. Please pay special attention to "Figure 18" representing Physics. Certainly the fairest scientific subject for a assessment of a country that boasts both taming and unleashing the atom. The critical block is the lower left hand block in these somewhat difficult to read charts.


If you interpreted the Physics Figure correctly as representing the United States as dead last then think about Figure 28. If we have indeed shifted to a more "practical curriculum," think of the math scores and the next young person you see at a cash register struggling to make change. It is difficult to imagine that Slovenia has a more generous, more richly funded educational program than here in the United States. Could it be perhaps that they are more "efficient?" Perhaps those in Slovenia have listened to some advice from the past:
From my grandfather's father, [I learned] to dispense with attendance at public schools, and to enjoy good teachers at home, and to recognize that on such things money should be eagerly spent.
Marcus Aurelius Antoninus (Roman Emperor from March 7, A.D. 161 to March 17, A.D. 180), Meditations Book I, verse 4
And;
I believe that school makes complete fools of our young men, because they see and hear nothing of ordinary life there.
Petronius, Satyricon
Cyprus of course, existing under United Nations Peacekeeping status, has a ready explanation for their results. Perhaps, however, we in the United States could use some older Hellenistic advice:
Isocrates Against the Sophists
[13.1] If all who are engaged in the profession of education were willing to state the facts instead of making greater promises than they can possibly fulfill, they would not be in such bad repute with the lay-public. As it is, however, the teachers who do not scruple to vaunt their powers with utter disregard of the truth have created the impression that those who choose a life of careless indolence are better advised than those who devote themselves to serious study. Indeed, who can fail to abhor, yes to contemn, those teachers, in the first place, who devote themselves to disputation, since they pretend to search for truth, but straightway at the beginning of their professions attempt to deceive us with lies?
In summary so far, it appears that responsibility has historically for education been quite clearly in New Hampshire the local responsibility, the style of provision of which was as decided for the most part as well locally, municipally. The sheering off and warding off of any presumption of state liability, and funding, is clear from the earliest state social compact; our first New Hampshire constitution. There is in addition, in the constitution, no reference to microscopes being provided, cannon factory tours, ox-team socialization pointers, nor quill pen maintenance, nor seed packet folding, the then likely equivalents of today's touted OBE, Goals 2000, or School-to-Work programs. The current brief cartoon like sound bite of a summary, perhaps better would be mockery, of the current Article 6 does a great injustice to the words carefully written 214 years ago. Let's not forget the political contributors to this currant morass either:
Democratic National Platform 1892:
We are opposed to state interference with parental rights and rights of conscience in the education of children.
And again a word from the past regarding acquiescence to social engineering and expediency, political or otherwise:
[65] And even you yourself; (at least that is my opinion and expectation,) excited as you are at present by the impetuosity of your disposition and elated as you are both by the vigour of our natural character and by your confidence in your own ability, and inflamed as you are by your recent study of all these precepts, will find practice modify them and time and increasing years soften and humanise you. In truth, those tutors and teachers of virtue, whom you think so much of appear to me themselves to have carried their definitions of duties somewhat further than is agreeable to nature, and it would be better if, when we had in theory pushed our principles to extremities, yet in practice we stopped at what was expedient. "Forgive nothing." Say rather, forgive some things, but not everything. "Do nothing for the sake of private influence." Certainly resist private influence when virtue and good faith require you to do so. "Do not be moved by pity." Certainly if it is to extinguish all impartiality; nevertheless, there is some credit due to humanity. "Abide by your own opinion."
Looking at Mt. Rushmore, and bringing to mind the years and, as of equal importance contemplating the manner of education, represented in stone, there is hardly the barest whisper of an argument that could be made for the state controlling and mandating any compulsory schema of education. Even the most recent fellow up there Teddy Roosevelt was homeschooled till he went to Harvard and graduated Phi Beta Kappa. It would also be unfair to leave out the drafter of the Declaration of Independence. Perhaps an autobiographical description might be useful here:
My elder Brothers were all put Apprentices to different Trades. I was put to the Grammar School at Eight Years of Age, my Father intending to devote me as the Tithe of his Sons to the Service of the Church. My early Readiness in learning to read (which must have been very early, as I do not remember when I could not read) and the Opinion of all his Friends that I should certainly make a good Scholar, encouraged him in this Purpose of his. My Uncle Benjamin too approved of it, and propos'd to give me all his Shorthand Volumes of Sermons I suppose as a Stock to set up with, if I would learn his Character. I continu'd however at the Grammar School not quite one Year, tho' in that time I had risen gradually from the Middle of the Class of that Year to be the Head of it, and farther was removed into the next Class above it, in order to go with that into the third at the end of the Year. But my Father in the mean time, from a View of the Expence of a College Education which, having so large a Family, he could not well afford, and the mean living many so educated were afterwards able to obtain, Reasons that he gave to his Friends in my Hearing, altered his first Intention, took me from the Grammar School, and sent me to a School for Writing & Arithmetic kept by a then famous Man, Mr Geo. Brownell, very successful in his Profession generally, and that by mild encouraging Methods. Under him I acquired fair Writing pretty soon, but I fail'd in the Arithmetic, & made no Progress in it. --At Ten Years old, I was taken home to assist my Father in his Business, which was that of a Tallow Chandler and Sope-Boiler.
Benjamin Franklin, Autobiography
On the contrary, with all the research into class size, surveys of thousands of teachers, millions of tests of students, correlated meta-analysis, billions of dollars and a vast literature, what has occurred is that there is now a population significantly less literate than in 1784. The seriousness with which this has all been undertaken perhaps should have been tempered a bit:
Plato Laws 819b
[819b] First, as regards counting, lessons have been invented for the merest infants to learn, by way of play and fun,--modes of dividing up apples and chaplets, so that the same totals are adjusted to larger and smaller groups, and modes of sorting out boxers and wrestlers, in byes and pairs, taking them alternately or consecutively, in their natural order. Moreover, by way of play, the teachers mix together bowls made of gold, bronze,
Education has gradually devolved into a State Duty, a Federal interest, while parental obligation, much less responsibility has been eroded and corroded. This was rather definitely contrary to the intent of Thomas Jefferson:
But if it is believed that these elementary schools will be better managed by the Governor and Council, the commissioners of the literary fund, or any other general authority of the government, than by the parents within each ward, it is a belief against all experience. Try the principle one step further and amend the bill so as to commit to the Governor and Council the management of all our farms, our mills, and merchants' stores.
Letter of Thomas Jefferson to Joseph Cabell, Feb. 2, 1816, reprinted in Political Writings of Thomas Jefferson (1955), page 98 and The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (Memorial Edition 1904), volume 14,pages 420-21.
It [should not] be proposed to take ordinary branches [of education] out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so much better all the concerns to which it is equal. Thomas Jefferson, sixth annual message to Congress (1806), reprinted in The Writings of Thomas Jefferson (Memorial Edition 1907), volume 14, page 384.
Jefferson most definitely supported public funding of schools, but made clear he opposed compulsory attendance. Is it a right or a duty in society to take care of their infant members in opposition to the will of the parent? . . . It is better to tolerate the rare instance of a parent refusing to let his child be educated, than to shock the common feelings and ideas by the forcible asportation and education of the infant against the will of the father. What is proposed here is to remove the objection of expense, by offering education gratis . . .
Letter of Thomas Jefferson to Joseph Cabell, September 9, 1817, reprinted in Writings of Thomas Jefferson (Memorial Edition 1904) volume 17, page 423.
Food, clothing, suckling all still remain at least for the first, though increasingly fewer and fewer, years of life a clear responsibility of parents. Education however has been gradually etched away by rules, laws, regulations and even more regulations. Given the biological supremacy of food over education for survival it is hard to fathom the pseudo-philosophical contortionist meanderings needed to justify the dire necessity of school as a more important state mandate. To compare the welfare system, now means tested, to the educational system will not serve the supporters of government mandated schooling well without the means testing of the common school entitlement. To tout the need for the teaching of civic virtue, using mandated forced volunteerism, among other oxymorons, will sit ill with a generation of students able to use their critical thinking skills and see the charade of purported rectitude pontificated by the establishment, while they can read for themselves the words, the decisions, the constitutions, the writings, and the statistics from our past.
Currently, thousands of parents are exercising their right of conscience, inalienably entrenched in both the US and NH constitutions. They follow in the line of generations who have continued to do so leading back in time to when there were no schoolbuses, when it was the norm, the expected, the everyday, the common. Students then learned to read with no minimum lighting standards, they learned their math by candlelight, and even were known to demonstrate "New England Ingenuity" without the benefit of a national curriculum, standardized testing, or mandated school day length. This all of course before the invention even of kindergarten and the high-tech advantages and crime reducing potential that current educational excuses are given for it. The alphabet has had no additions to it since then and the numbers, at least the digits still add the same way. Without expending thousands, thousands are learning today and are a quiet example to shame those digging at the pork getting smoked in Concord. How any recall the promises of past technologies and high-tech breakthroughs such as the film strip, the tape recorder, reel-to-reel, video machine and electric typewriter and the promises made for each of them. Does anyone recall the educational promise of Polavision any more? As I write this it seems that if indeed the state desire is for a fully informed public to be participants in the democratic process, the small phrase at the end of our currently worded Article 6 bears scrutiny. The State can and ought to do better in its own house before tinkering with others' domiciles. Is minimalist adequacy, with no glimmer of excellence the proper aspiration for discussion? Is the state proceeding to consider the adequacy along the lines of the same rigorous testing that it proposes for teachers? Note the following:
Nancy Ibarguen, the coordinator of certification for Maine, described the Praxis 1 as "an exit high school exam." Along with taking the test, those applying for vocational education certification must also show work experience and 12 credits in course work. But Lewis and other education officials admitted that the tests aren’t that difficult. "It is only a screening device" measuring basic knowledge, Lewis said, adding the tests can’t reveal whether the test-taker is an expert, or has a rapport with children, or is a dynamic teacher. All those qualities can only be measured by local school boards and superintendents, he said. While certification proves teachers have fulfilled the minimum requirements, course work, student teaching experience and references also show how qualified a person is to teach, said Dover Superintendent Gerald Daley. "I look for enthusiasm and a love of teaching," Daley said. "Someone who’s creative and innovative, someone who will engage the students in the learning process." Several years ago, Daley said, he worried about the quality of teachers who were applying for jobs in the Dover School District. Teacher salaries were very low, and bright college students could easily find better paying jobs in other professions. That’s changed recently, as teacher salaries became more competitive with other careers. "There’s some excellent people out there who have this love for teaching, and I have been heartened by what I’ve seen," Daley said. As for the Praxis tests, "if it will help to make people more comfortable, then fine," Daley said. "Frankly, for the people we’ve been hiring, the test shouldn’t be an issue." But it’s a level that some applicants across the nation haven’t been able to reach. One-third of the prospective teachers in Virginia recently failed the Praxis I test; of the 20 states using the test, Virginia has the highest cut-off scores in the nation. The New Hampshire Board of Education will decide what the cut-off scores will be during a meeting later this year. "We’re concerned that we set it at a good level ... to establish a basic skill and knowledge base of what teachers need to know in New Hampshire," Lewis said. The National Education Association of New Hampshire supported using the tests for entry-level teachers, said Dennis Murphy, the director of public affairs. "When you look at someone entering the profession, you should be sure the person has the minimum level of adequate skills," Murphy said.
Should the State, on the contrary, be currently, and proudly, aspiring to the following general position?
Isocrates Antidosis 226
[15.226] No, it is evident that these students cross the sea and pay out money and go to all manner of trouble because they think that they themselves will be the better for it and that the teachers here are much more intelligent than those in their own countries. This ought to fill all Athenians with pride and make them appreciate at their worth those who have given to the city this reputation.
So from one parent who happens to be instructing, educating, hopefully successfully, but at home, in the woods, at the library, and even with people who know more than I, and even having fun from time to time, what follows is a historically plebian, simple suggestion for consideration:
This suggestion would address the concerns of teachers who bewail the lack of parental participation. This addresses parental concerns regarding curriculum and teaching quality. This addresses head on the intra-school and inter-school issues of bullying, crime, and even drugs. Schools unable to control students run rampant will rapidly loose to schools providing a buffet more to the parent's liking. And this is consistent with the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights:
"prior right [of parents] to choose the kind of education that shall be given to their children" (United Nations, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Article 26.3; 1948)
This addresses the coming blizzard of paper forms, regulations, and bookcases of rules and procedures. Ecologists and environmentally concerned citizens of all ages should be cheered by this homegrown "Save the Trees" suggestion. Every faint effort in any political option on the table now to proclaim that there will be local control, or no state mandates, or increased central sate regulation must truly think that the electorate are insane or stupid. Paperwork follows state funding as siamesed with regulation. Without that regulation the state has no authority to justify its' existence. So with each new funding apparatus comes by definition a formulary of regulatory inhibitions and paperwork.
For those who bewail that most parents can not teach for whatever reason, the question in turn is why not? If the majority of parents are graduates of that very system touted as worth keeping and embellishing, and of course thereby mastered what was to be taught there, then certainly parental ignorance is a hollow meaningless whine. In fact, most likely each has a beautiful certificate attesting to their graduating competence and mastery. For those incapable due to imprisonment, mental infirmity, or illness, there will always be the municipal option. The charity of one's neighbors is apt to be based more on awareness of true need than the need of an individual never seen, unknown even by name, perhaps from a town across the state never visited or even bearing a name never heard previously.
For those who argue that the proper role of school is socialization, why all this money in academics? For those who determine that socialization is a primary expectation of the school, the psychological socialization research shows quite the contrary. I am unaware of any arrests of home educating parents for abuse of children in the past year, while a number of teachers have had appointments with various courts. The teacher of the year in NY State, John Gatto wrote about the true socialization lessons:
Teaching means different things in different places, but seven lessons are universally taught from Harlem to Hollywood Hills. They constitute a national curriculum you pay for in more ways than you can imagine, so you might as well know what it is. . . . 1.Confusion. 2. Class Position. 3. Indifference. 4. Emotional Dependency. 5. Intellectual Dependency. 6. Provisional Self-Esteem. 7. One Can't Hide. . . . It is the great triumph of compulsory government monopoly mass-schooling that among even the best of my fellow teachers, and among even the best of my students' parents, only a small number can imagine a different way to do things.
And for explanation:
Confusion. Gatto admits that everything he teaches is out of context.
Class position. Children must know their place and stay in the class where they belong. "The children are numbered so that if any get away they can be returned to the right class."
Indifference. "Nothing important is ever finished in my class nor in any class I know of."
Emotional dependency. Gatto says that he teaches children to surrender their will to the chain of command, using "stars and red checks, smiles and frowns, prizes, honors and disgraces."
Intellectual dependency. The most important lesson. Children must wait for the expert authority to make all the important decisions, to tell them what to study. There is no place for curiosity, only conformity.
Provisional self-esteem. Because it is so difficult to make self-confident spirits conform, children must be taught that their self-respect depends on expert opinion. They must be constantly tested, evaluated, judged, graded, and reported on by certified officials. Self-evaluation is irrelevant - "people must be told what they are worth."
You can't hide. Children are always watched. No privacy. People can't be trusted.
According to Gatto, these are the consequences of the seven lessons:
The private Self is almost non-existent; children develop a superficial personality borrowed from TV shows.
Desperate dependence. Unease with intimacy or candor; dislike for parents; no real close friends; lust replaces love.
Indifference to the adult world; very little curiosity about anything; boredom.
A poor sense of the future; consciousness limited to the present.
Cruelty to each other.
Striking materialism.
The expectation to fail; the idea that success has to be stolen.
John Taylor Gatto, speech on accepting 1991 New York State teacher of the year award, reprinted in Gatto's Dumbing Us Down: The Hidden Curriculum of Compulsory Schooling (Philadelphia: New Society Publishers, 1992), pages 1-12.
The recent survey of drug abuse amongst New Hampshire students must strike at least some as more than overly odd if the purpose of school is to deal with the socialization of adolescents, curb vice, limit drug abuse, and foster healthy habits and lifestyles and teach civic virtues. If a grade were to be offered for New Hampshire Socialization Outcomes, would any care to offer a good solid first class A+ ? I think not. Even the Commissioner of Education was ill pleased by the results. The State Board of Education was credited with a true profundity:
The statistics were disheartening to the members of the Board of Education, which released the 1997 report at its meeting yesterday. "We're going to be scared by these statistics for a while to come,"
said Jim Steiner.
Denise Devlin, director of the Bureau of Substance Abuse Services, called those figures disappointing. "There's a part of me that says I'm glad we're doing the prevention efforts we are," she said. "I don't know if maybe the rest of the environment we're fighting is so difficult." That environment, Devlin said, has kids with a lot of unstructured time on their hands, too few mentors outside of the home and a resurgence of media messages - particularly in popular music and sitcoms - portraying drug use as harmless and fun.
No one will be able to argue the socialization merits of a semi-rural state experience to the sophisticated New Yorker who has the cultural advantages of subways and subway riding behaviors, opportunities which, at least as of yet, have not even arrived in New Hampshire.
On the other hand, historically, the one room school house, the community or neighborhood school had a range of children from age 8-22 with an expectation that those who knew more would assist those who knew less. The socialization bore none of the age-segregation currently the mandate in compulsory governmentally administered schools. Even most private schools have engaged in the most prominent arena of segregation left in our society. The outcome has been as Neufeld writes, peer-socialization, a skewed precursor to the "Lord of the Flies Syndrome." The premise that it was hard to find teachers due to isolation might well have been the case when horses required feed, pay was low; but, based on their efforts, generations of children have helped build a country to where would-be one-room schoolhouse teachers today could drive from far further than a horse could go in a day, and with educational cassettes going the whole time.
For those who would argue the need for modern seed-package wrapping lessons for the average 6th grader, training for the modern workforce in School to Work, there is a small problem that must be addressed. Is it true that the School to Work establishment can accurately predict the labor force needs for my 3rd grader? The implications for the stock market are staggeringly immense. Will yearly predictions on shortages from the education departments be any more accurate than those of Department of Labor? Why the duplication? Another sorry aspect of this is if the child is to be trained up into an occupation as Fichte argued in Prussia, then has to have mandatory life long learning afterwards because of new developments, then what good was the original training? Who does actually financially stand to gain from lifelong learning most directly? Who actually pays and who actually gets paid for each adult educational mandate? Does anyone really care to review the "productivity enhancement" of the routine average mandated adult education-for CEU or CME or CAE credits/units/hours? Here is one version of Fichte's recommended Outcomes by Objectives for the Prussian Government of a state educational system:
1) Obedient soldiers to the army;
2) Obedient workers to the mines;
3) Well subordinated civil servants to government;
4) Well subordinated clerks to industry;
5) Citizens who thought alike about major issues.
The above list comes across as hardly the high sounding academic visionary forward thinking that the New Hampshire Supreme Court appears vested in enforcing, the Governor in facilitating, and the legislature in funding. As for the current and would be yet again Governor, it is difficult to quite see where she has a position as she contradictorily has offered the following:
As everyone here knows, education is about more than making a living. It's about learning how to live. Along with our family and our communities, school is where we develop our values, nurture our creativity, and have those formative experiences that shape our perspectives throughout life. School should be a place where we learn to love learning, so that we can keep that capacity to adapt and grow throughout our lives.
(Education Summit Speech)
PARENTS' DAY
JULY 27, 1997
WHEREAS, parents are to their children, role models and guides through both the joyful and the trying times of life; and
WHEREAS, parents, by their example, transmit moral and cultural values which play a crucial and determinant role in the development of youth; and
WHEREAS, parents are the most influential source in learning societal values, such as responsibility for one's actions, respect for others, honesty, and many, many others; and