LETTERS TO THE EDUCATORS, NO. 15


Res Ipsa Loquitur


Well, we have finally come to the end of our journey. This is the last of the Letters to the Educators about the Claremont lawsuit. But Claremont itself also marks the end of a journey. Or, if it does not represent the journey's end, it at least symbolizes a major fork in the road. The journey to which I am referring is the Court's evolution from The Least Dangerous Branch into something much less benign.

The Court's journey began with a promise. That promise was made in 1784 when our forefathers ratified a new Constitution. One of the dramatic changes made by this Constitution was the formation of an independent Judiciary. During the revolutionary period, New Hampshire's government was structured for the exigencies of the times; it was designed to conduct a war. The Government consisted only of a bicameral legislature which, according to Chief Justice Doe (writing 100 years later in the case of Gould v. Raymond), possessed "all power, civil and military, including the power of delegating all power." With respect to the Judiciary, this included the power to appoint and remove judges at will, the power to reject or revise their judicial decisions, and the power to bypass them completely by conducting trials in the Legislature itself.

After the War For Independence was won, those who had fought so hard to protect their liberties with the sword agitated for some protections by the pen. Besides wanting their constitution to include a bill of rights (which the Constitution of 1776 did not), the citizens of the new State of New Hampshire decided that the powers of government should be dispersed, not concentrated in one body. As a result, one of the primary changes to our form of government which was made by the Constitution of 1784 was the establishment of an Executive and a Judiciary separate and apart from the Legislature.

In the case of the Judiciary, independence was accomplished by giving judges life tenure "during good behavior" and by guaranteeing them "permanent and honorable salaries". Moreover, since the three functions of government - legislative, executive, and judicial - were separated from each other, the decisions of the Judiciary were no longer reviewable by the Legislature. As the Court later commented in Merrill v. Sherburne, this particular feature of our new Constitution reflected the thinking of all the great men of the day when it came to defining the essence of a limited government:
It was well known and considered, that "in the distinct and separate existence of the judicial power consists one main preservative of the publick liberty"; that, indeed "there is no liberty, if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and executive powers". In other words that "the union of these two powers is tyranny": or, as Mr. Madison observes, may justly be "pronounced the very definition of tyranny"; or, in the language of Mr. Jefferson, "is precisely the definition of despotick government".
At the same time that the Judiciary was granted its independence from the executive and legislative branches, it was also given a new power, the power of judicial review. Thus, the branch of government which Alexander Hamilton labeled "the least dangerous branch" was now invested with a most awesome - and a most dangerous - power. In exchange for its new autonomy and its new power, the Judiciary made a promise. The promise was that its power of judicial review would be exercised prudently and sparingly.

Claremont, however, broke that promise. But why should we be surprised? The Framers warned us not to be naive when it came to human beings and power. For example, in his first inaugural address as President of the United States in 1801, Thomas Jefferson said the following:
Sometimes it is said that man cannot be trusted with the government of himself. Can he, then, be trusted with the government of others? Or have we found angels in the form of kings to govern him? Let history answer this question.
Jefferson's co-author of the Declaration of Independence, John Adams, had already answered this question. In a speech which he gave in 1772, Adams proclaimed darkly: "There is danger from all men. The only maxim of a free government ought to be to trust no man living with power to endanger the public liberty."

The Framers also warned us how our liberties would be lost. As James Madison put it in a speech he gave to the Virginia Ratification Convention in 1788: "I believe there are more instances of the abridgement of the freedom of the people by gradual and silent encroachments of those in power than by violent and sudden usurpations." Jefferson was even more explicit in identifying the Judiciary as the most likely agent for these silent encroachments:
It has long, however, been my opinion, and I have never shrunk from its expression, that the germ of dissolution of our government is in the Constitution of the Judiciary; working like gravity by night and by day, gaining a little today and a little tomorrow, and advancing its noiseless step like a thief over the field of jurisdiction, until all shall be usurped.
So, were we all asleep at the switch? Should we have seen Claremont coming? Has our Court been "silently encroaching" and "working like gravity by night and by day" for the last 200 years? The fact of the matter is that there have been some warning signs. There are indications in the Court's own opinions that it considers the Judiciary somehow exempt from the laws which apply to everyone else. For example, here are some statements made by the Court over the years which perhaps should have alerted us to the danger ahead:

"All judicial officers, when acting on subjects within their jurisdiction, are exempted from civil prosecutions for their acts." Evans v. Foster (1819)

"With reference to the purpose of Article 37 of the Bill of Rights, it should be remembered that during the Revolution all sorts of executive and many judicial powers had been exercised by the Legislature and this practice had resulted in great dissatisfaction .... No evidence has been discovered of any contemporary dissatisfaction over the wide range of duties performed by the courts. The convention was engaged in setting up new executive and judicial branches of the State Government and it may well have been that the prime purpose of Article 37 in the minds of its framers was to protect these new departments from legislative encroachment rather than to circumscribe within strict limits the functions of the Court." Attorney-General v. Morin (1943)

"It has never been the tradition of the jurisprudence of this court to refuse to exercise judicial power when there was an established need for it and there was no constitutional barrier to its exercise." In re Mussman (1972).

"Nor does suspending the pay of a judge as a matter of internal discipline by this court violate the State constitutional provision providing for `permanent and honorable salaries ... for the justices of the superior court.' N.H. CONST. pt.II, art.59. This provision `protects judges from being influenced by the legislature's power of the purse.' It does not limit this court's inherent judicial disciplinary power." Opinion of the Justices (Judicial Salary Suspension) (1995).

"The Constitution of 1784 embodied the principle of separation of powers. Three reforms were enacted with the purpose of fostering an independent judiciary. Judges were given the constitutional right to permanent and honorable salaries, were prohibited from holding plural offices, and were granted tenure during good behavior. Grinnell v. State (1981).

"It is long settled that this court is the final arbiter of State constitutional disputes. The interpretation of our constitution is a traditional function of the judiciary and is not within the competence of the other two branches." Smith v. State (1978).

"Accordingly, we hold that RSA 281-A:17, II (Supp. 1989) imposes upon local government a new responsibility within the meaning of article 28-a of the New Hampshire Constitution [the unfunded mandate provision] and in those instances where the State has failed to either obtain the consent of local governments or provide them with the requisite funding, it is also unconstitutional. In holding as we do today, we do not imply that actions of the State judiciary, that by their nature may impose a new, expanded or modified responsibility upon local government, are also unconstitutional. On the contrary, it is the duty of the judiciary to interpret the law, not make it. In the context of article 28-a, it is the law that mandates or assigns any new, expanded or modified responsibilities; the judiciary merely declares under what circumstances it does or does not. Furthermore, article 28-a contemplates a set of circumstances whereby local government can reject a particular State mandate by failing to approve local funding. Thus, if we were to interpret article 28-a as applying to acts of the judiciary, we would necessarily clothe local government with the authority to reject the decisions of the judiciary at their own election, thereby reducing the doctrine of separation of powers to a nullity. This we shall not do." N.H. Municipal Trust v. Flynn (1990).

One can certainly see the germs of Claremont in these excerpts from the prior opinions of the Court. On the other hand, the Claremont decisions were not just another hashmark along a continuum; they truly were a quantum leap beyond anything that the Court had decided previously. As I said in the very first Letter to the Educators, "the Court [in Claremont] violated every canon of judicial restraint when it reached out to lecture our duly elected officials on social policy and undertook to elevate its own views to constitutional stature." After six months and over a dozen more Letters to the Educators, I think you get my point.

However, you don't have to take my word for this; all you have to do is to read the words of the Court. Attached hereto are a series of excerpts from Claremont I, II, III, and IV which thematically track the Letters to the Educators. Each theme is exemplified by one or more quotations from general sources. Then, the position taken by the Court in Claremont is juxtaposed against the position which it took on the same issue in other cases (and, sometimes, even in Claremont itself). In all cases, the contrasts are significant; in some cases, they are dramatic! Indeed, nothing condemns the Court for its Claremont opinions more than its own words. That is why I have titled this last Letter "Res Ipsa Loquitur." It is a Latin phrase which means, "The thing speaks for itself."

If nothing else, this little word game demonstrates how deep is the hole that the Court has put itself in. It has simply gone so far out of its way to reach the result that it desired that there is no turning back. In other words, don't expect the Court to change its mind about Claremont. [fn 1]

But what if you don't want the Court to change its mind? What if you think that the State has been delinquent in funding the schools and it is high time that we add some money to the pot? What if you think that local property taxes are an archaic way to pay for education? Shouldn't you just sit back and let the Court pursue its (and your) personal vision of "justice"? Not if you hope to preserve your right to have a say in the matter the next time around - when you may not agree with the Court. For as James Madison said in The Federalist, No. 51, "Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. It ever has been, and ever will be pursued, until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit." The point is that, as Ralph Waldo Emerson said, "One man's justice is another man's injustice," and if you allow the Court to set the agenda for what is "good" and "fair" and "just" without regard to whether or not this is the Court's job, you may be happy today, but you will ultimately be very sad tomorrow.

So what can you, John Q. Public, do about the situation? It should be obvious: if you can't change the Court's mind about the Constitution, you must change the Constitution! George Washington said in his Farewell Address that "the basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government." Chief Justice Marshall said much the same thing in his 1821 decision in Cohens v. Virginia, "The people made the Constitution, and the people can unmake it. It is the creature of their own will, and lives only by their will."

Note that you don't have to conclude that the Court was wrong in Claremont to think that it is right to change the Constitution. Even if you believe that the Framers actually meant to create a judicially enforceable "right to an adequate education, adequately funded," you might have been persuaded by these Letters that this is not a good way to run a railroad. If so, you are just as entitled to change the Constitution as someone who thinks that the Claremont decisions were dead wrong. As Thomas Jefferson said in a letter he wrote in l816 to Samuel Kercheval, "Each generation is independent of the one preceding, as that was of all which had gone before. It has then, like them, a right to choose for itself the form of government it believes most promotive of its own happiness."

In any case, however one comes to the conclusion that something must be done about Claremont, the Constitution itself acknowledges our right to change it, It also provides us with directions as to how to do it. What the Constitution doesn't do, however, is tell us what changes to make.

Some of you may be satisfied with a narrow, targeted amendment which seeks only to undo the specifics of the Claremont holdings on educational adequacy and\or tax equity. Others may feel that limits need to be placed upon the Court's power of judicial review. Still others may feel that the answer lies with elected judges or judicial term limits. Where one comes down on these issues not only depends upon one's views about the proper form of government in a consitutional democracy, but it also depends upon one's view of Claremont I, for one, see no need for radical surgery - at least, not yet. Our form of government has served us well for the last two hundred years and I see no reason that it won't do just as well for the next two hundred. I am inclined to believe that Claremont was an aberration. On the other hand, it was and is a gross aberration. Consequently, it cannot be permitted to go unchallenged. Like a cancer tumor, it must be excised before it spreads. They say that the price of liberty is eternal vigilance. So we must reverse Claremont.

But let us not throw out the good with the bad. Let us have faith that a reversal of Claremont will sufficiently chastise the Court for its abuse of power. I am willing to assume that the Court will henceforth exercise that judicial restraint which, for the most part, has characterized its opinions in the past. And if I am wrong, we can always change things again. For we must never forget that we are the ones who have the ultimate authority. As James Madison said, "We have staked the whole future of American civilization, not upon the power of government, far from it. We have staked teh future of all political institutions upon the capacity of mankind for self-government: upon the capacity of each and all of us to govern ourselves."

We need only consider one final aspect of the notion that not all provisions of the Constitution which impose duties upon the legislative or executive branches are subject to judicial review. This does not mean that the Constitution is a "mere form of words." Just because the Legislature or the Governor may not always be accountable to the Supreme Court does not mean that they are not accountable at all. As Article 8, Part I. of the Constitution states: "All power residing originally in, and being derived from, the people, all the magistrates and officers of government are their substitutes and agents, and at all times accountable to them." As Justice Clarence Thomas said in his opinion in Missouri v. Jenkins , "At some point, we must recognize that the judiciary is not omniscient, and that all problems do not require a remedy of constitutional proportions." The people still retain the most effective remedy that exists in democracy: if they are displeased with the performance of their officers and magistrates, they can vote them out of office! Isn't that the way it is supposed to be?

Rasputin


Footnotes

[Footnote 1] Probably the best example of the Court's combative response to criticism concerns the circumstances surrounding the LaFrance case discussed in Letter #2. In l974, the Court ruled in the case of State v. Morton Whippie that witnesses who testified in Court, including police officers, should not be permitted to wear a firearm. The Legislature responded in l975 by passing a statute expressly providing that "law enforcement officers shall be permitted to wear firearms in any courtroom in the state." In l983, the issue was joined when Superior Court Judge William Cann refused to permit the Laconia Chief of Police from testifying in his court while wearing a sidearm. Instead of treating this as the tempest in a teapot that it was, the Supreme Court issued a grandiloquent defense of the Judiciary's inherent powers to rule over the courtroom - free from all legislative interference. The immediate consequence of the Court's petulance was the introduction of more than a dozen separate resolutions in the Constitutional Convention of l984 designed specifically to reverse the LaFrance case or to otherwise diminish the powers of the Judiciary. Although none of these were adopted by the Convention, that was probably due to the fact that the Convention had been packed with sympathetic lawyers. The Court, however, apparently does not recognize that it dodged a bullet; instead, in a recent Claremont - inspired article on the independence of the Judiciary in the New Hampshire Bar Journal, Justice Batchelder reveled in this case as a supposed affirmation by the public of the Judiciary's own expansive view of its power of judicial review.

FINIS
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No. 1 - To Debate or Not to Debate


Criticism of the Court as freedom of speech.

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"Liberty cannot be preserved without a general knowledge among the people, who have a right ... and a desire to know; but besides this, they have a right, an indisputable, unalienable, indefeasible, divine right to that most dreaded and envied kind of knowledge, I mean of the characters and conduct of their rulers." John Adams, A DISSERTATION ON THE CANON AND FEUDAL LAW (1765)

"[I]njury to official reputation is an insufficient reason for repressing speech that would otherwise be free .... [T]he institutional reputation of the courts[ ] is entitled to no greater weight in the constitutional scales." Landmark Communications, Inc. v. Virginia (US, 1978)

"When men have realized that time has upset many fighting faiths, they may come to believe even more than they believe the very foundations of their own conduct that the ultimate good desired is better reached by free trade in ideas - that the best test of truth is the power of the thought to get itself accepted in the competition of the market, and that truth is the only ground upon which their wishes safely can be carried out. That at any rate is the theory of our constitution." Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, Adams v. United States (US, 1919)

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a. "When the court is interpreting our Constitution, the statutes passed by our Legislature or court rulings, it is performing the essence of the judicial function - interpreting the law. Citicizing that interpretation is healthy for, and a part of, a democratic society. What is not appropriate ... is miscasting the judicial role as tyrannical or illegitimate. They go too far when they question the motives of judges and seek to generate hostility toward the judiciary. Recent public commentary describes judges of the New Hampshire Supreme Court as tyrannical and at least one of their decisions as illegitimate. Such criticism is dangerous to a free society, for it will erode public respect for, and confidence in, the judicial system and the rule of law, which are the foundations of our society." Remarks of Chief Justice David Brock, NH Bar Ass. Mid- Winter Conference (1/22/98)

"If criticism in the media is fair, principled, and reasonably enlightened, the courts should welcome it .... It is the unfounded criticism which is more nettlesome and which has undoubtedly given rise to all the recent activity concerning judicial independence." Justice William Batchelder, The Independence of the Judiciary Revisited (NH Bar Journal 1998)

b. "Under the First Amendment there is no such thing as a false idea. However, pernicious an opinion may seem, we depend for its correction not on the conscience of judges and juries but on the competition of other ideas. " Pease v. Telegraph Pub Co., Inc. (1981)

"The scope of prior Rule 37(17)(a) extended to speech traditionally accorded the most solicitous protection of the first amendment; namely, criticism of the government's performance of its duties.... It cannot be gainsaid that protection of such debate lies at the heart of the first amendment. Any regulation attempting to rein in that debate must pass the strictest of constitutional tests." Petition of Brooks (1996)

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The special right and obligation of lawyers to speak out.


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"The authority the American people have entrusted to members of the legal profession, and the influence which these individuals exercise in government, is the most powerful existing security against the excesses of democracy. Without this admixture of lawyer-like sobriety with democratic principle, I question whether democratic institutions could long be maintained ...." Alexis de Tocqueville (1835)

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a. "The governor's lawyer should be disciplined for calling the state Supreme Court `intellectually dishonest,' a critic said in a formal request yesterday. Judy Reardon violated a rule that bars lawyers from recklessly questioning the integrity or qualifications of a judge, Theodore Kamasinski said in a complaint to the Supreme Court's Professional Conduct Committee. Reardon blasted the Supreme Court on a radio talk show for striking down Gov. Jeanne Shaheen's ABC plan for paying for schools. It focuses on Reardon's `intellectually dishonest' remark and two statements suggesting the court's June 23 decision was political: `They want an income tax,' and `You know they are political beings.'" Associated Press Report (7/7/98)

b. "[A]n individual attorney is still free to voice his own views on any subject in any manner he wishes." In re Unification of the New Hampshire Bar (1968)

"Lawyers are members of a unique profession, privileged to serve the public responsibly and credibly." In re the Proposed Public Protection Fund Rule (1998)

"The idea that separation of powers prevents the executive and legislative branches from "interfering" in the judiciary is one advanced by lawyer/bar associations and courts. However, it is dangerous for courts and judges to be exempt from citicism in our society. Attorneys are afraid to criticize the legal system because of professional retaliation, such as Judy Reardon is unfortunately experiencing.... I believe that `the fabric of our society' will withstand public criticism of judges and that the ability to criticize one's government (including judges) is a unique benchmark of American culture which is greater than the court's need for immunity from criticism." Attorney Caroline Douglas, My Turn Column, CONCORD MONITOR (7/15/98)

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No. 2 - What the Constitution Actually Says


Interpretation of a constitution according to what it says or what the Court wished it said.

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"With how much ease believe we what we wish." John Dryden, OEDIPUS (1679)

"[T]here is not a syllable in the plan under consideration which directly empowers the national courts to construe the laws according to the spirit of the Constitution, or which gives them any greater latitude in this respect than may be claimed by the courts of every State." THE FEDERALIST, No. 81

"It is impossible for a Court that views itself as a political and cultural institution as much as a legal institution to make reasoned decisions whose principles it will adhere to in the future. The Court will change the Constitution as politics and culture change. The reasons given in one opinion are often little indication of what will happen in the next case. Since a cultural Court acts without guidance from the historic Constitution, the Justices could produce a coherent jurisprudence of individual rights only if they could construct and agree upon a systematic moral philosophy. Moral philosophers have been unable to agree on such a philosophy; it is preposterous to suppose that a committee of lawyers could. One result is that the Court's opinions, when it is engaged in the enterprise of creating rights, defy logical parsing. The decisions are diktats embedded in lofty but irrelevant rhetoric." Robert Bork, SLOUCHING TOWARDS GOMORRAH (1996).

"Government not guided by firm principles is government adrift, government run amok, like a gargantuan two-year-old with an Uzi. It's time to tell the politicians, When all else fails, read the original instructions." David Boaz, Government Without Principles, CATO POLICY REPORT (Jan/Feb. 1998).

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a. " Because the diffusion of knowledge and learning is regarded by the State Constitution as `essential to the preservation of a free government,' N.H. CONST. pt. II, art. 83, it is only just that those who enjoy such government should not be compelled to bear greater burdens than are borne by others. In mandating that knowledge and learning be `generally diffused' and that the `opportunities and advantages of education' be spread through the various parts of the State, N.H. CONST. pt. II, art. 83, the framers of the New Hampshire Constitution could not have intended the current funding system with its wide disparities." Claremont II (emphasis added).

b. "The constitution authorizes the legislature to make constitutional laws: and it requires the court to be sworn to officially support the constitution, and to perform the duties of their office agreeably to the constitution and the human laws of the state; not agreeably to that constitution and those laws supplemental or modified by the divine, natural, or moral law, or the principles of reason and justice." Chief Justice Doe, Orr v. Qimby (1874) (dissent).

"[W]e regard it as a well settled and unquestioned rule of construction that the language used by the legislature, in the statutes enacted by them, and that used by the people, is to be always understood and explained in that sense in which it was used at the time when the constitution and the laws were adopted." Opinion of the Justices, (1981).

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Plain meaning or tortured text?


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"It is best that laws should be so constructed as to leave as little as possible to the decision of those who judge." Aristotle, RHETORIC

"Rhetoric without logic is like a tree with leaves and blossoms, but no root; yet more are taken with rhetoric than logic, because they are caught with fine expressions when they understand not reason." John Selden, TABLE-TALK (1689).

"To get at the thought or meaning express in a statute, a contract or a constitution, the first resort, in all cases is to the natural signification of the words, in the order of grammatical arrangement in which the framers of the instrument have placed them. If the words convey a definite meaning which involves no absurdity, nor any contradiction of other parts of the instrument, then that meaning, apparent on the face of the instrument, must be accepted, and neither the courts nor the legislature have the right to add to it or take from it. So, alas, where the law is expressed in plain and unambiguous terms, whether those terms are general or limited, the legislature should be intended to mean what they have plainly expressed, and consequently no room is left for construction. There is even a stronger reason for adhering to this rule in the case of the constitution than in that of a statute, since the latter is passed by a deliberate body of small numbers, .... The simplest and most obvious interpretation of a constitution, if in itself sensible, is most likely to be that meant by the people in its adoption." Lake County v. Rollins (US 1888).

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a. "An obvious starting point in interpreting part II, article 83 is to determine what the particular words used meant in 1784: `Encouragement: Incitement to any action or practice, incentive; favour, countenance, support,' T. SHERIDAN, A GENERAL DICTIONARY OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE 1780 (Scolbar Press 1967); `Literature: Learning; skill in letters,' id.; `Diffused: Spread abroad, widespread; dispersed over a large area; covering a wide range of subjects,' OXFORD ENGLISH DICTIONARY (2d ed. 1989); `Generally: So as to include every particular, or every individual,' id.; `Duty: That to which a man is by any natural or legal obligation bound,' SHERIDAN supra; `Cherish: To support, to shelter, to nurse up,' SHERIDAN supra. See also McDuffy, 415 Mass. at 562 n.17, 615 N.E.2d at 525 n.17. [emphasis in original]. The Encouragement of Literature clause, incorporating the sense of these definitions, thus declares that knowledge and learning spread through a community are `essential to the preservation of a free government,' and that `spreading the opportunities and advantages of education' is a means to the end of preserving a free, democratic State. The duty of ensuring that the people are educated is placed upon `the legislators and magistrates, in all future periods of this government,' and that duty encompasses supporting all public schools ." [emphasis added]. Claremont I

b. "The object of construction, as applied to a written constitution, is to give effect to the intent of the people in adopting it.... We must presume that words have been employed in their natural and ordinary meaning. As Marshall, Ch.J., says, The framers of the constitution, and the people who adopted it, `must be understood to have employed words in their natural sense, and to have intended what they have said.' Gibbons v. Ogden, 9 Wheat. l, 188. This is but saying that no forced or unnatural construction is to be put upon their language; and it seems so obvious a truism that one expects to see it universally accepted without question; but the attempt is made so often by interested subtlety and ingenious refinement to induce the courts to force from these instruments a meaning their framers never held, that it frequently becomes necessary to redeclare this fundamental maxim." Attorney General v. Taggart (1899)

"After all, we will not redraft the constitution in an attempt to make it conform to an intention not fairly expressed in it .... An interpretation of a particular amendment that requires a technical or limited reading of its language is of little constitutional significance when such an interpretation is not widely recognized ...." New Hampshire Municipal Trust v. Flynn (1990).

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Did the Framers intend education to be "encouraged" or ensured" - "protected", "promoted" or "provided" - "cherished" or "guaranteed"?


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"From the deepest impression of the vast importance of Literature in a free government, we have interwoven it with, and made its protection and encouragement a part of the Constitution itself." Report of the NH Constitutional Convention of 1781 (emphasis added).

"Promote then as an object of primary importance, Institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened." George Washington, Farewell Address (1796) (emphasis added).

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a. "[T]he constitutional convention began its work drafting the State Constitution in 1781. The contention that, despite the extensive history of public education in this State, the framers and general populace did not understand the language contained in part II, article 83 to impose a duty on the State to support the public schools and ensure an educated citizenry is unconvincing." Claremont I (emphasis added).

"The language commands, in no uncertain terms, that the State provide an education to all its citizens and that it support all public schools." Claremont I (emphasis added).

"We hold that part II, article 83 imposes a duty on the State to provide a constitutionally adequate education to every educable child in the public schools in New Hampshire and to guarantee adequate funding." Claremont I (emphasis added).

b. "[T]he public policy of the state at the time of the adoption of the constitution was to cherish the interests of all seminaries of learning and public schools (Const., art 82) ...." New London v. Colby Academy (1898). (emphasis added).

"[S]chool authorities may discipline the children by excluding them from the benefits of the public instruction that normally is the office of the State (Constitution, Part Second, Article 83) ...." State v. Lefebvre (1941). (emphasis added).

"The furtherance of education is universally regarded as a public purpose and the Constitution expressly imposes upon legislators `the duty ... to cherish the interest of literature and the sciences ....' Constitution, Pt. II, Art. 83." Opinion of the Justices (1955). (emphasis added).

"Our Constitution lays stress on the promotion of education by the Legislature. Part II, Art. 83d." Opinion of the Justices (1959) (emphasis added).

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"Cherish" as a word of affect or a word of effect?


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"To have and to hold from this day forward, for better for worse, for richer for poorer, in sickness and in health, to love and to cherish, till death us do part." Solemnization of Marriage, BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER.

"Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, Religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great Pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them." George Washington, Farewell Address (1796).

"The friend of my adversity, I shall always cherish. I can better trust those who helped to relieve the gloom of my dark hours than those who are so ready to enjoy with me the sunshine of my prosperity." Ulysses S. Grant.

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a. "We do not construe the terms `shall be the duty ... to cherish' in our constitution as merely a statement of aspiration." Claremont I (emphasis added).

b. "The prosperity [of schools] depends entirely upon the public estimation in which they are held. It is of the highest importance that they should be fondly cherished by the best affections of the people, that every citizen should feel he has an interest in them, and that they constitute a part of the inestimable inheritance which he is to transmit to his posterity in the institutions of his country." Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1817) (emphasis added).

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The relevance of comparable provisions in contemporaneous constitutions and laws from other jurisdictions.


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"Art.3rd. Religion, morality, and knowledge being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." Northwest Ordinance (1787) (passed by Congress to government the Northwest Territories) (emphasis added).

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a. "Numerous state courts have in recent years decided cases challenging, on constitutional grounds, systems of financing public education. Most of those cases are of limited value to this court because the constitutional provisions at issue contain language dissimilar to ours and were adopted under circumstances different from those existing in New Hampshire in the 1780's .... We do not construe the terms "shall be the duty ... to cherish in our constitution as merely a statement of aspiration .... To suggest that the language is not mandatory because other State's constitutions, many drafted over 100 years after ours, contain more concrete, tangible standards of quality of education and quantity of support is an analysis we cannot endorse." Claremont I.

b. "We give weight to the language of comparable clauses in state constitutions upon which the framers relied ...." Warburton v. Thomas (1992)

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No. 3 - How Does A Court Decide What Is Adequate?


The ability of the Court to determine the "adequacy" of educational policy.

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"[T]his case also involves the most persistent and difficult questions of educational policy, another area in which this Court's lack of specialized knowledge and experience counsels against premature interference with the informed judgments made at the state and local levels. Education, perhaps even more than welfare assistance, presents a myriad of `intractable economic, social, and even philosophical problems'. The very complexity of the problems of financing and managing a statewide public school system suggests that `there will be more than one constitutionally permissible method of solving them', and that, within the limits of rationality, `the legislature's efforts to tackle the problems' should be entitled to respect." San Antonio School District v. Rodriguez (US, 1974).

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a. "Given the complexities of our society today, the State's constitutional duty extends beyond mere reading, writing, and arithmetic. It also includes broad educational opportunities needed in today's society to prepare citizens for their role as participants and as potential competitors in today's marketplace of ideas." Claremont I.

"A constitutionally adequate public education is not a static concept removed from the demands of an evolving world. It is not the needs of the few but the critical requirements of the many that it must address. Mere competence in the basics - reading, writing, and arithmetic - is insufficient in the waning days of the 20th century to insure that this State's public school students are fully integrated into the world around them. A broad exposure to the social, economic, scientific, technological, and political realities of today's society is essential for our students to compete, contribute, and flourish in the twenty-first century." Claremont II.

"We look to the seven criteria articulated by the Supreme Court of Kentucky as establishing general, aspirational guidelines for defining educational adequacy. A constitutionally adequate public education should reflect consideration of the following: [definition omitted]." Claremont II. b. "As has been previously and consistently observed the wisdom and practicality of legislation is not a matter of judicial concern." Opinion of the Justices (1970).

"Any educational policy or rule declared by the legislature or promulgated under authority delegated by it may not be reversed or vacated judicially on the ground that it must be regarded as impolitic .... [The Judiciary] cannot run a race of opinions upon points of right, reason, and expediency with the law-making power." Coleman v. School District of Rochester (1936).

"In an `ideal world, children would not be brought up in inadequate homes'. But this is not an ideal world, and to hold merely that inadequate parenting, absent specific harm to the children, is sufficient to terminate parently rights in the `best interest of the child' is too vague a concept." State v. Robert H. (1978).

"I was not appointed to establish educational policy, nor to determine the proper way to finance the implementation of this policy. Those duties, in my opinion, reside with the representatives of the people, the Governor, the legislature, and the respective magistrates and legislative authorities in the respective school and taxing districts. My job is to determine whether the structures for providing and financing education, as selected by these direct representatives of the people, meet the mandates of our State Constitution. I should not involve myself in social engineering, no matter how worthy the cause, when the constitution and the decisions of those charged with the obligation of forming social policy are compatible." Justice Horton, Claremont II (dissent).

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The ability of the Court to determine the "adequacy" of educational funding.

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"People through the democratic process may choose more or less safety by altering their support of the fire department, the police, the courts, schools, social welfare programs, and programs of safety inspections. This choice is one without a single right answer, and therefore one for the political rather than the judicial branches .... Political society exists to choose among the many good things we all wish to have, but which cannot be attained simultaneously. The Constitution does not require the state to hew to the best balance between effective care and expensive care - even if we knew what the best balance is. Dissatisfaction with the outcome of such a political choice is not a sufficient ground for declaring the structure unconstitutional." Circuit Judge Easterbrook, Archie v. City of Racine (7th Circuit Court of Appeals 1988).

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a. "We emphasize that the fundamental right at issue is the right to a state funded constitutionally adequate public education. It is not the right to horizontal resource replication from school to school and district to district. The substance of the right may be achieved in different schools possessing, for example, differing library resources, teacher-student ratios, computer software, as well as the myriad tools and techniques that may be employed by those in on-site control of the State's public elementary and secondary school systems. But when an individual school or school district offers something less than educational adequacy, the governmental action or lack of action that is the root cause of the disparity will be examined by a standard of strict judicial scrutiny." Claremont II.

b. "The petitioner also urges us to strike down the regulation on another ground. She asserts that when the legislature fails to appropriate sufficient funds to enable the Division to serve all eligible clients, the director has an affirmative duty to then seek a transfer or reallocation from the legislature, and may not "circumvent" this obligation by merely placing certain clients on a waiting list until additional funds become available .... The need for discretion in transferring funds stems from the fact that any reallocation of funds to a particular class of beneficiaries requires the removal of those funds from another class of beneficiaries. It would be improvident for this court to find the application of those provisions to be mandatory in all circumstances, because to do so would be to substitute the judgment and control of the court for the judgment and control of those who are by law vested with the responsibility of administering these programs." Petition of Strandell (1989).

"I was not appointed to establish educational policy, nor to determine the proper way to finance the implementation of this policy." Justice Horton, Claremont II (dissent).

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No. 4 - Not All Duties Create Rights.


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"Only aim to do your duty, and mankind will give you credit where you fail." Thomas Jefferson, THE RIGHTS OF BRITISH AMERICA (1774).

"I have my own stern claims and perfect circle. It denies the name of duty to many offices that are called duties." Ralph Waldo Emerson, SELF-RELIANCE (1841).

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a. "[T]he framers and the general populace understood the language contained in part II, article 83 to impose a duty on the State to educate its citizens and support the public schools .... Having identified that a duty exists and having suggested the nature of that duty, we emphasize the corresponding right of the citizens to its enforcement." Claremont I .

b. "Neither general legislative nor administrative objectives create a legal right for individuals. If [the plaintiff's] argument were accepted, any and every objective or goal enunciated by the legislature or a governmental agency could be enforced by the judicial branch as an individual right. The role of the judiciary does not encompass such an expansive responsibility." In the Matter of Doe (1978).

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No. 5 - A Constitution Is Not a Menu of Entitlements


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A Constitution as a guarantee of rights against Government infringement or as a menu of rights to Government services?

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"The Constitution is a charter of negative rather than positive liberties. The men who wrote the Bill of Rights were not concerned that government might do too little for the people but that it might do too much for them. The modern expansion of government has led to proposals for reinterpreting the Fourteenth Amendment to guarantee the provision of basic services such as education, poor relief, and, presumably, police protection, even if they are not being withheld discriminatorily. To adopt these proposals, however, would be more than an extension of traditional exceptions of the due process clause. It would turn the clause on its head. It would change it from a protection against coercion by state government to a command that the state use its taxing power to coerce some of its citizens to provide services to others. Whether the Court has refused because a guarantee of basic service cannot easily be squared with the text or intellectual ambience of the Fourteenth Amendment or because judges lack objective criteria for specifying minimum levels of public services or are reluctant to interfere with the public finance of the states need not trouble us. It is enough to note that, as currently understood, the concept of liberty in the Fourteenth Amendment does not include a right to basic services..." Circuit Judge Posner, Jackson v. City of Joliet (Circuit Court of Appeals l983).

"Implication of a `positive' right to have the government do something out of the constitutional `negative' right (to be let alone) often depends on arguments about policy rather than on the text, structure or history of the document; it may depend on seeing things from the perspective of collective benefits rather than the autonomy of the individual, a perspective that potentially increases the role of government in society, contrary to the plan of the Bill of Rights." Circuit Judge Easterbrook, Archie v. City of Racine (7th Circuit Court of Appeals l988)

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a. "We hold that part II, article 83 imposes a duty on the State to provide a constitutionally adequate education to every educable child in the public schools in New Hampshire and to guarantee adequate funding." Claremont I.

"We hold that in this State a constitutionally adequate education is a fundamental right." Claremont II.

b. "It was universally understood by the founders of our institutions that jury trial, and the other usual provisions of bills of rights, were not grants of rights to the public body politic, but reservations of private rights of the subject, paramount to all governmental authority; and this constitutional principle has never been abandoned." Wooster v. Plymouth (1882).

"The legal idea of a bill of rights is a declaration of private rights, annexed to and made part of a constitutional grant of governmental power. Reservation is, in general, the purpose and legal meaning of such declaration." Chief Justice Doe, Orr v. Quimby (1874) (dissent).

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A government of entitlements.


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"It is inherent in the nature of man, whose first impulse is to act; it is inherent in the nature of the state, whose first duty is to restrain .... The great men who long ago preceded us in this inquiry comprehended this conflict, this tension, with perfect clarity. They did not view the central government, as it is the custom to view it in the United States today, as a firm but loving pater familias, or in a less elegant image, as a comfortable sow with a hundred million teats." James J. Kilpatrick, THE CASE FOR "STATES' RIGHTS" (1963).

"First, the idea of "social justice" on which the welfare state is founded - where social justice is supposed to be something other than charity, a "right" of the recipient rather than a virtue of the one who gives - seems to sponsor and condone a corruption of the moral sense. Secondly, the welfare state that it built upon this conception seems to move precisely away from the conservative conception of authoritative and personal government, towards a labyrinthine, privilege-sodden structure of anonymous power, nurturing a citizenship that is increasingly reluctant to answer for itself, increasingly void of personal responsibility, and increasingly parasitic on the dispensations of a bureaucracy towards which it can feel no gratitude. The third argument - more familiar, perhaps, but of less central ideological concern - is that the welfare state promises more than it can provide, grows like a cancer in the economic order, and finally threatens the process of wealth-creation itself. If the lot of the poor is changed by the welfare state, it is because something else changes also - namely, the productive capacity upon which the welfare state depends, and which it also threatens to extinguish." Roger Scruton, Introduction, CONSERVATIVE TEXTS (1991).

"In addition to buying votes, what's wrong with government doing the spending instead of our doing the spending ourselves? Consider this: When you spend your own money on yourself (such as buying yourself a tie or a handbag), you do an excellent job of keeping the cost down and getting exactly what you want. But when you spend your own money on someone else (such as buying a gift tie and handbag for your parents), you still keep the cost down, but you don't get them what they'd choose themselves. (Think about all the gifts you've ever received: What percentage of them would you have chosen yourself?) Even worse, when you spend a third party's money on someone else, you not only don't get the recipient what he or she would choose, there's also no pressure to keep the cost under control. (Imagine being allowed to charge that gift tie and handbag to the "taxpayers" instead of to your own account: Would you worry about the cost?) This is what the government does, and in a massive way, every single day." Marilyn vos Savant, "Ask Marilyn" PARADE MAGAZINE (Oct. 9, 1994).

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a. [The Claremont decisions are barren of any indication by the Court that it either accepts or rejects the notion that a government of entitlements weakens the moral character and dignity of its people. The Court is apparently oblivious to the issue.]

b. "A frequent recurrence to the fundamental principles of the constitution, and a constant adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, industry, frugality, and all the social virtues, are indispensably necessary to preserve the blessings of liberty and good government; the people ought, therefore, to have a particular regard to all those principles in the choice of their officers and representatives, and they have a right to require of their lawgivers and magistrates, an exact and constant observance of them, in the formation and execution of the laws necessary for the good administration of government." Article 38, Part I, NH Constitution.

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The right to a free public education.


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"There is no such thing as a free lunch." Milton Friedman.

"If something is free, it is probably worth just about what you paid for it." Saying.

"When men enter into a state of society, they surrender up some of their natural rights to that society, in order to ensure the protection of others; and, without such an equivalent, the surrender is void." Article 3, Part I, N.H. Constitution.

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a. "Since 1647, education has been compulsory in New Hampshire, and our constitution expressly recognizes education as a cornerstone of our democratic system. We must conclude, therefore, that in New Hampshire a free public education is at the very least an important substantive right." Claremont I.

b. "The legislature could require the payment of tuition in the common schools." Holt v. Antrim (1886).

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No. 6 - Entitlements Created by the "Least Dangerous Branch" are the Most Dangerous Ones


The Court as the conscience of the community.

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"When we presume to have the institutional ability to set effective educational, budgetary, or administrative policy, we transform the least dangerous branch into the most dangerous one .... [W]e must remember that a deserving end does not justify all possible means. The desire to reform a school district, or any other institution, cannot so captivate the Judiciary that it forgets its constitutionally mandated role. Usurpation of the traditionally local control over education not only takes the judiciary beyond its proper sphere, it also deprives the States and their elected officials of their constitutional proportions." Justice Clarence Thomas, Missouri v. Jenkins (U.S. 1995).

"The Supreme Court has on occasion been referred to as the conscience of the country, but I think this description has a considerable potential for mischief. If no more is meant by it than that the Supreme Court insofar as it upholds the principles of the Constitution is the conscience of the country, it is of course quite accurate. But the phrase is also subject to the more sweeping interpretation that the justices of the Supreme Court are to bring to bear on every constitutional question the moral principles found in each of their individual consciences. Yet to go beyond the language of the Constitution, and the meaning that may be fairly ascribed to the language, and into the consciences of individual judges, is to embark on a journey that is treacherous indeed. Many of us necessarily feel strongly and deeply about the judgments of our own consciences, but these remain only personal moral judgments until in some way they are given the sanction of supreme law." Justice William H. Rehnquist, THE SUPREME COURT (1987).

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a. "The duty of those of us who are constitutional officers, no matter in what branch of government, is to resolve important issues of the day within the confines of the constitution for the benefit of the people of New Hampshire." Claremont IV.

b. "We have not to inquire into the policy of the law, or, if the purpose be admitted to be public, whether the supposed public good to be attained was sufficient to justify the legislature .... All mere questions of expediency, and all questions respecting the just operation of the law, within the limits prescribed by the constitution, were settled by the legislature when it was enacted. The court have only to place the statute and the constitution side by side, and say whether there is such a conflict between the two that they cannot stand together." Perry v. Keene (1876).

"I should not involve myself in social engineering, no matter how worthy the case, when the constitution and the decisions of those charged with the obligation of forming social policy are compatible." Justice Horton, Claremont II (dissent).

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Separation of powers - the Court as the adjudicator of disputes and the Legislature as the maker of laws.


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"Were the power of judging joined with the legislative, the life and liberty of the subject would be exposed to arbitrary control, for the judge would be legislator." Montesquieu, THE SPIRIT OF THE LAWS (1784) (emphasis in original).

"The accumulation of all powers legislative, executive, and judiciary in the same hands, whether of one, a few, or many, and whether hereditary, self-appointed, or elective, may justly be pronounced the very definition of tyranny." THE FEDERALIST, No. 47.

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a. "We do not construe the terms `shall be the duty ... to cherish' in our constitution as merely a statement of aspiration. The language commands, in no uncertain terms, that the State provide an education to all its citizens and that it support all public schools." Claremont I.

"Without intending to intrude upon prerogatives of other branches of government, see N.H. CONST. pt.I, art.37, we anticipate that they will promptly develop and adopt specific criteria implementing [the Court's] guidelines and, in completing this task, will appeal to a broad constituency." Claremont II.

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"On December 17, 1997, when Claremont II was issued, the court was conscious of the magnitude of the tasks and challenges it had passed to its co-equal branches of government. Part I, Article 37 of the constitution, which in this case bears on our interpretation of Part II, Article 5, instructs that the legislative, executive, and judicial powers of our State should be kept `as separate from and independent of, each other, as the nature of a free government will admit.' The framers' language continues by describing `that chain of connection that binds the whole fabric of the constitution in one indissoluble bond of union and amity.' It is in such spirit of union and amity that we retained jurisdiction in Claremont II." Claremont IV.

b. "There is no principle more fundamental, more thoroughly interwoven with the whole fabric of our republican institutions and form of government, and probably none more familiar to the great mass of intelligent citizens of the state, than that the three branches of the government - the legislature, the executive, and the judicial, - are coordinate and independent. Neither can interfere with the duties or functions of either of the others, without striking a blow at the foundation upon which rests all security as well for private rights as the public welfare." Opinion of the Justices (1875).

"Speaking broadly but definitely enough for present purposes, the judicial department is confined to courts of justice established to interpret laws and decide disputes." Opinion of the Justices (1931)

"I am aware that this power in the bands of the legislature may, like every other power, at times be unwisely exercised; but where can it be more securely lodged? If those whom the people annually elect to manage their public affairs, cannot be trusted, who can? The people have most emphatically enjoined it in the constitution, as a duty upon `the legislators and magistrates, in all future periods of the government, to cherish the interests of literature and the sciences and all seminaries and public schools.' And those interests will be cherished, both by the legislature and the people, so long as there is virtue enough left to maintain the rest of our institutions. Whenever the people and their rulers shall become corrupt enough to wage war with the sciences and liberal arts, we may be assured that the time will have arrived, when all our institutions, our laws, our liberties must pass away, - when all that can be dear to free-men, or that can make their country dear to them, must be lost, and when a government and institutions must be established, of a very different character from those under which it is our pride and our happiness to live." Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1817).

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No. 7 - Who Is To Guard The Guardians?


The need for controls upon the Judiciary.

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"The judicial power ought to be distinct from both the legislative and executive, and independent upon both, that so it may be a check upon both, as both should be checks upon that." John Adams, THOUGHTS ON GOVERNMENT (1776).

"From the nature of man, we may be sure that those who have power in their hands ... will always, when they can, ... increase it." George Mason, Speech, Philadelphia Convention (1787).

"To what expedient, then, shall we finally resort, for maintaining in practice the necessary partition of power among the several departments, as laid down in the Constitution? The only answer that can be given is, that as all these exterior provisions are found to be inadequate the defect must be supplied, by so contriving the interior structure of the government as that its several constituent parts may, by their mutual relations, be the means of keeping each other in their proper places .... In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions." THE FEDERALIST, No. 51.

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a. [The Claremont decisions are barren of any indication by the Court that it accepts or rejects the notion that the Judiciary itself should be subject to checks and balances (other than those it chooses to accept). The Court's entire focus is upon its own role as a check and balance upon the Executive and the Legislature.]

b. "In the government of this state, the three essential powers thereof, to wit, the legislative, executive, and judicial, ought to be kept as separate from, and independent of, each other, as the nature of a free government will admit, or as is consistent with that chain of connection that binds the whole fabric of the constitution in one indissoluble bond of union and amity." Article 37, Part I, NH Constitution.

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No. 8 - Making The Case For Candor


Adherence to precedent.

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"If a judge pronounce a judgment and afterward reverse it, he shall pay twelvefold the damages which were awarded, and they shall expel him from his seat of judgment, and he shall not return." The Code of Hammurabi (c.2250 B.C.)

"Generally, the principle of stare decisis, and the interests that it serves, viz., the evenhanded, predictable, and consistent development of legal principles, .... reliance on judicial decisions, and ... the actual and perceived integrity of the judicial process, counsel strongly against reconsideration of our precedent." Seminole Tribe of Florida v. Florida (US 1996).

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a. [Nowhere in Claremont I, II, III or IV does the Court acknowledge overruling 200 years of its own case law. However, it most assuredly did.] b. "Stare decisis is essential if case-by-case judicial decision-making is to be reconciled with the principle of the rule of law, for when governing legal standards are open to revision in every case, deciding cases becomes a mere exercise of judicial will with arbitrary and unpredictable results. It has even been said that in most cases it is more important that the applicable rule of law be settled than [that] it be settled right." Providence Mut. Fire Ins. Co. v. Scanlon (1994).

"[T]he meaning of the instrument [i.e., the Constitution] is settled by the continuous and uninterrupted interpretation placed upon it for over one hundred and twenty years." Canaan v. District (1908).

"The meaning of the Constitution is settled by the continuous and interrupted interpretation placed upon it for over one hundred and fifty years." Attorney-General v. Morin (1943).

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Institutional candor.

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"I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy." George Washington, Farewell Address (1796).

"It is true that you may fool all of the people some of the time; you can even fool some of the people all the time; but you can't fool all of the people all the time." Abraham Lincoln.

"The root of American governmental power is revealed most clearly in the instance of the power conferred by the Constitution upon the Judiciary of the United States and specifically upon this Court. As Americans of each succeeding generation are rightly told, the Court cannot buy support for its decisions by spending money and, except to a minor degree, it cannot independently coerce obedience to its decrees. The Court's power lies, rather, in its legitimacy, a product of substance and perception that shows itself in the people's acceptance of the Judiciary as fit to determine what the Nation's law means and to declare what it demands. The underlying substance of this legitimacy is of course the warrant for the Court's decisions in the Constitution and the lesser sources of legal principle on which the Court draws. That substance is expressed in the Court's opinions, and our contemporary understanding is such that a decision without principled justification would be no judicial act at all." Justice David Souter, Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992).

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a. "Decisions of this court are consistent with our conclusion." Claremont I.

"Our interpretation of this language has been consistent and to advise otherwise now would be the first step down a dangerous path leading to frustration of the document upon which our government rests." Claremont IV.

b. "A judgment is based upon the law of the case, and that law remains in force, in application to other cases, until it is overruled. If the judgment proves in time to be erroneous, the error is that of the State. But although error in the judicial declaration of the law is later judicially determined, the error does not deprive the judgment in which the error is committed of constitutional effectiveness. If the process accomplishes some slight measure of constitutional change, the necessities of orderly government require it, and the Constitution, by the form of government it has established, contemplates it." Trustees & c. Academy v. Exeter (1943).

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No. 9 - Is Education Too Important To Be Entrusted To The Politicians?


Government control over education.

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"Wherever is found what is called a paternal government, there is found state education. It has been discovered that the best way to insure implicit obedience is to commence tyranny in the nursery." Benjamin Disraeli, Speech in the House of Commons (June 15, 1874).

"Probably no deeper division of our people could proceed from any provocation than from finding it necessary to choose what doctrine and whose program public educational officials shall compel youth to unite in embracing ..." West Virginia State Bd. of Education v. Barnette (U.S. 1943).

"Our whole constitutional heritage rebels at the thought of giving government the power to control men's minds." Stanley v. Georgia (US, 1969).

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a. "The Encouragement of Literature clause expressly recognizes that a free government is dependent for its survival on citizens who are able to participate intelligently in the political, economic, and social functions of our system. The duty placed on the State encompasses cherishing the public schools." Claremont I.

"Our society places tremendous value on education. Education provides the key to individual opportunities for social and economic advancement and forms the foundation for our democratic institutions ad our place in the global economy. The very existence of government was declared by the framers to depend upon the intelligence of its citizens .... The responsibility for ensuring the provision of an adequate public education and an adequate level of resources for all New Hampshire students in New Hampshire lies with the State." Claremont II.

b. "[I]t was not until 1789 that the Commonwealth of Massachusetts established the first comprehensive, statewide system of compulsory schooling. Such nineteenth century professional educationists as Horace Mann and Calvin Stowe set about to require universal American public education backed up by government compulsion through use of truancy laws. Indeed, one proponent of such concepts, Newton Bateman, who was heavily influenced by Prussian thought, even wrote that because the government's `right of domain' extends over the `minds of souls and bodies' of individuals, education cannot be entrusted to `the caprices and contingencies' of individual parents. The ultimate step in the process of standardizing all American education occurred in Oregon in 1922 when all private schools were banned and children were compelled to attend public schools. The implicit intent of this action was to promote uniformity by forbidding ethnic and religious groups to educate their children in a manner they desired. In Pierce v. Society of Sisters, however, the United States Supreme Court stated that `the child is not the mere creature of the State' and concluded that Oregon had interfered with the `liberty of parents and guardians to direct the upbringing and education of children under their control ....' Thus, while the State may adopt a policy requiring that children be educated, it does not have the unlimited power to require they be educated in a certain way at a certain place." Appeal of Peirce (1982) (Justices Douglas and Brock concurring.)

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Is there any principled basis upon which to recognize a "right" to education, but not a "right" to other public services?

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"It is appellees' contention ... that education is distinguishable from other services and benefits provided by the State because it bears a peculiarly close relationship to other rights and liberties accorded protection under the Constitution. Specifically, they insist that education is itself a fundamental personal right because it is essential to the effective exercise of First Amendment freedoms and to intelligent utilization of the right to vote. In asserting a nexus between speech and education, appellees urge that the right to speak is meaningless unless the speaker is capable of articulating his thoughts intelligently and persuasively .... How, for instance, is education to be distinguished from the significant personal interests in the basics of decent food and shelter? Empirical examination might well buttress an assumption that the ill-fed, ill-clothed, and ill-housed are among the most ineffective participants in the political process, and that they derive the least enjoyment from the benefits of the First Amendment. San Antonio School District v. Rodriguez (1974).

"But even when justification is furnished by apposite legal principle, something more is required. Because not every conscientious claim of principled justification will be accepted as such, the justification claimed must be beyond dispute. The Court must take care to speak and act in ways that allow people to accept its decisions on the terms the Court claims for them, as grounded truly in principle, not a compromises with social and political pressures having, as such, no bearing on the principled choices that the Court is obliged to make. Thus, the Court's legitimacy depends on making legally principled decisions under circumstances in which their principled character is sufficiently plausible to be accepted by the Nation." Justice David Souter, Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992).

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a. "As the New Hampshire Constitution exists today, education is deemed so essential to the viability of the State that part II, article 83 is one of only two places in the constitution where a duty is affirmatively placed on the legislature. Compare N.H. CONST. pt. II, art. 83 (`it shall be the duty of the legislators ... to cherish ... public schools') with N.H. CONST. pt. II, art. 5-A (legislature has `duty to provide for prompt and temporary succession to the powers and duties of public officers' in the event of enemy attack)". Claremont II.

b. "The declaratory form of the article is not less effective than any other form .... [M]any of the most important constitutional rights are reserved in terms much less imperative than `shall' and `shall not.' The right of petitioning for a redress of grievances ... is reserved by a simple declaration of the right, without a word literally signifying a command or prohibition." Chief Justice Doe, Orr v. Quimby (1874) (dissent).

"The general duties of the State, imposed by our constitution, include provision of the general good (pt. I, art. 1), protection of the people (pt. I, arts. 3,12), provision for the general benefit and welfare (pt. II, art. 5), and provision for government and ordering (pt. II, art. 5). Our constitution further imposes more specific duties, such as the provision of a constitutionally adequate education and a guarantee of adequate funding (pt. II, art. 83; Claremont I, 138 N.H. at 184, 635 A.2d at 1376), provision of courts and legal remedies (pt. I, art. 4), provision for elections (pt. II, art. 5), and provision for the raising of taxes (pt. II, art. 5)." Justice Horton, Claremont II. (dissent).

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No. 10 - Is There An Adequate Definition of An Adequate Education?


The Legislature's supposed failure to define educational standards.

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"If it walks like a duck, and it talks like a duck, my guess is that it's a duck." Saying.

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a. "We are confident that the legislature and the Governor will fulfill their responsibility with respect to defining the specifics of, and the appropriate means to provide through public education the knowledge and learning essential to the preservation of a free government." Claremont I

"[I]t is the legislature's obligation ... to establish educational standards that comply with constitutional standards." Claremont II.

b. RSA 186:5 Powers. "The state board shall ... secure the efficient administration of the public schools and the administration of the work of Americanization, in teaching English to non-English-speaking adults and in furnishing instruction in the privileges, duties, and responsibilities of citizenship, which is hereby declared to be an essential part of public school education."

RSA 189:1-a Duty to Provide Education. "It shall be the duty of the school board to provide, at district expense, elementary and secondary education to all pupils who reside in the district until such time as the pupil has acquired a high school diploma or has reached age 21, whichever occurs first."

RSA 189:24 Standard School. "A standard school is one maintained for at least 180 days in each year, in a suitable building, equipped with approved furniture, books, maps and other necessary appliances, taught by teachers, directed and supervised by principal and superintendent, each of whom shall hold valid educational credentials issued by the state board of education, with suitable provision for the care of the health and physical welfare of all pupils."

RSA 186-C:1 Policy and Purpose. "It is hereby declared to be the policy of the state that all children in New Hampshire be provided with equal educational opportunities. It is the purpose of this chapter to insure that the state board of education and the school districts of the state provide a free and appropriate public education for all educationally handicapped children."

RSA 188-F:1 Declaration of Purpose. "It is hereby declared to be the policy of the state of New Hampshire to provide for, within its ability to finance facilities, the preparation of youth and adults for productive employment as technicians and skilled workers to the mutual benefit of those persons, business and industry, and the general economy of the state."

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The role of the State Board of Education in determining educational standards.

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"[T]he Constitution has never been regarded as denying to Congress the necessary resources of flexibility and practicality, which will enable it to perform its function in laying down policies and establishing standards, while leaving to selected instrumentalities the making of subordinate rules within prescribed limits and the determination of facts to which the policy as declared by the Legislature is to apply." Schechter Poultry v. United States (US 1935)

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a. "Following Claremont I, the trial court, in the absence of legislative action, accepted a definition of educational adequacy developed by the State Board of Education .... The constitution places the duty to support the public schools on `the legislators and magistrates.' As we said in Claremont I, it is for the legislature with respect to defining the specifics of, and the appropriate means to provide through public education, the knowledge and learning essential to the preservation of a free government.' Thus, in the first instance, it is the legislature's obligation, not that of individual members of the board of education, to establish educational standards that comply with constitutional requirements." Claremont II.

b. RSA 186:5 Powers. "The state board shall have the same powers of management, supervision, and direction over all public schools in this state as the directors of a business corporation have over its business, except as otherwise limited by law."

RSA 186:8 Rulemaking Authority; Standards; Employee Qualifications. "The state board of education shall adopt rules, pursuant to RSA 541-A, relative to:

I. Minimum curriculum and educational standards for all grades of the public schools."

"The State statute empowers the board of education to adopt rules concerning various aspects of the administration of the special education program, including the development of an appeal process from school district decisions. Pursuant to this statutory grant, the State Board of Education has adopted rules which provide procedural safeguards to parents and guardians of handicapped children. Disputes over who bears the cost of educational expenses should be resolved first by exhausting the administrative procedure provided by the State." John H. v. Brunelle (1985).

"The petitioners ... appeal from a declaratory judgment ... denying their constitutional challenges to RSA 195:18 (1989), the procedure for organizing cooperative school districts, and to the two-thirds majority provision for amending articles of agreement. In particular they argue RSA 195:18 violates part I, article 37 of the State Constitution because it improperly delegates legislative authority to the State Board of Education .... In order to pass constitutional muster, the delegation of authority to the board to approve the amendment procedure in the articles of agreement must contain `a declared policy and a prescribed standard laid down by the legislature' .... We reject the petitioners' argument that the board is devoid of a policy and standard to apply to the evaluation of the amendment procedure." In re Kearsarge Regional School Dist. (1994).

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What is an adequate education?

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"On even the most basic questions in this area the scholars and educational experts are divided. Indeed, one of the major sources of controversy concerns the extent to which there is a demonstrable correlation between educational expenditures and the quality of education .... Related to the questioned relationship between cost and quality is the equally unsettled controversy as to the proper goals of a system of public education .... The ultimate wisdom as to these and related problems of education is not likely to be divined for all time even by the scholars who now so earnestly debate the issues. In such circumstances, the judiciary is well advised to refrain from imposing on the States inflexible constitutional restraints that could circumscribe or handicap the continued research and experimentation so vital to finding even partial solutions to educational problems and to keeping abreast of ever-changing conditions." San Antonio School District v. Rodriguez (US, 1974).

"No child under the age of fifteen should receive instruction in subjects which may possibly be the vehicle of serious error, such as philosophy or religion, for wrong notions imbibed early can seldom be rooted out, and of all the intellectual faculties, judgment is the last to arrive at maturity. The child should give its attention either to subjects where no error is possible at all, such as mathematics, or to those in which there is no particular danger in making a mistake, such as languages, natural science, history, and so on." Arthur Schopenhauer, ON EDUCATION (1851).

"The reformers [of higher education] desire to replace traditional courses in part with untraditional courses - with courses that would place heavy emphasis upon the cultures of Africa. They would send many dead white male poets into exile, and replace them with writers of obscure reputation or no reputation at all .... Nothing is wrong, and a great deal is right, about `diversity' and `multicultural' teaching. As the planet shrinks, all of us will have to deal in some fashion with alien cultures. True diversity has great appeal to those who love individual freedom. But first things first. When Milton is exiled because Milton is a sexist, students of English literature are being shortchanged." James J. Kilpatrick, Jr., Radicals Poison the Groves of Academe (April 10, 1991).

"Education is an admirable thing, but it is well to remember from time to time that nothing that is worth knowing can be taught." Oscar Wilde, THE CRITIC AS ARTIST (1891).

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a. "Given the complexities of our society today, the State's constitutional duty extends beyond mere reading, writing, and arithmetic. It also includes broad educational opportunities needed in today's society to prepare citizens for their role as participants and as potential competitors in today's marketplace of ideas." Claremont I.

" Mere competence in the basics - reading, writing, and arithmetic - is insufficient in the waning days of the twentieth century to insure that this State's public school students are fully integrated into the world around them. A broad exposure to the social, economic, scientific, technological, and political realities of today's society is essential for our students to compete, contribute, and flourish in the twenty-first century." Claremont II. b. "[O]ne man's adequacy is another's deficiency." Justice Horton, Claremont II (dissenting).

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What is an adequate level of funding for education?


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"It's time to face the truth. Advocates of more and more government interference in education have had ample time to make their case, and they've failed. Look at the record. Federal spending on education soared eightfold in the last 20 years, rising much faster than inflation. But during the same period, scholastic aptitude scores went down, down, and down." Ronald Reagan, Address, Seton Hall University (1983)

"Now a quiz to test the academic ability of newspaper readers. Faced with public schools that can't teach students when Columbus landed in America, concerned citizens should: a) provide the schools with more money, b) raise teacher salaries, c) reduce teacher-student ratios, d) ask, in a very loud voice, what in the hell is going on. If you answered d), you are proof that Americans are not beyond educating. If you answered a), b), or c), you should be aware that in the past decade we have already done all those high-minded things and have very little to show for it." Stephen Chapman, Facts and Fictions of Educational Choice, CHICAGO TRIBUNE (Nov. 4, 1990).

"Indeed, one of the major sources of controversy concerns the extent to which there is a demonstrable correlation between educational expenditures and the quality of education." San Antonio School District v. Rodriguiez (US, 1974).

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a. "Regardless of whether existing State educational standards meet the test for constitutional adequacy, the record demonstrates that a number of plaintiff communities are unable to meet existing standards despite assessing disproportionate and unreasonable taxes." Claremont II.

b. "We agree with those who say that merely spending additional money on education will not necessarily insure its quality." Claremont II.

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No. 11 - What Was The Original Understanding?


The relevance of history and legislative precedent.

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"Writers the most learned, the most accurate in details, and the soundest in tendency, frequently fall into a habit which can neither be cured nor pardoned - the habit of making history into the proof of their theories." Lord Acton, THE HISTORY OF FREEDOM AND OTHER ESSAYS (1907).

"A page of history is worth a volume of logic." Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, New York Trust Co. v. Eisner (US, 1921).

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a. "We are unpersuaded by the State's argument that the fact that no State funding was provided at all for education in the first fifty years after ratification of the constitution demonstrates that the framers did not believe part II, article 83 to impose any obligation on the State to provide funding." Claremont I.

b. "There is no doubt that the language of the constitution is to be understood in the sense in which it was used at the time when it was adopted." Hale v. Everett (1868)

"A practical construction of the constitution, acquiesced in for a century by the legislature, by the courts and by all parties to judicial proceedings, ought not to be clearly wrong." Wooster v. Plymouth (1882) (dissent).

"Legislative precedent cannot be ignored as a factor in determining the meaning [of a constitutional provision] .... General acquiescence cannot justify departure from the law, but long and continuous interpretation in the course of official action under the law may aid in removing doubt as to its meaning." Warburton v. Thomas (1992).

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If the Constitution already required the State to provide and fund an adequate education, why did several constitutional conventions propose amendments to accomplish just such a thing?

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Resolution No. 149: Relating to elementary and secondary education. "Providing that the state shall provide where necessary support and maintenance for elementary and secondary public schools to assure that all children have an educational opportunity of equal quality."
Excerpt From Debate.


Del. DANIELL: " I do believe it is our responsibility here as delegates to the Constitutional Convention to be responsible financially. I do understand there are certain liberals that say, regardless of the consequences, I want this. I don't agree with it. I want equal opportunity but I am not willing to destroy the state to try to get it and have hungry children going to very good schools." Del. ZECHEL: "Am I correct then that you are not objecting to the first part of the amendment which is that every child has a fundamental right to an education?" Del. DANIELL: "I object, at this time, to having it go into the Constitution until the public has shown a willingness to go along and our Legislature has shown a capacity to fund the programs we already have which would take us in that direction. In other words, you are ahead of your time." Del. WIGGINS: "You talk about home rule. Well, this is the biggest thing to upset home rule there is. You would be ruled by the State Board of Education .... This would be one of the biggest and best ways to a back door broad base tax. It would almost assure that we would have to have income tax, sales taxes and everything else to raise the appropriate money necessary. It has been said that we are doing what is necessary for education now if we would fully fund it. So, why have we got to amend the Constitution? We have our Foundation Aid. We have the necessary amendments. We have the necessary ways to do what is necessary to educate our children and give us the home rule and the local school board some authority."
[158 members having voted in the affirmative and 118 members in the negative, the motion to rule the amendment inexpedient was adopted.] Journal of the Constitutional Convention (1974).

Res. No. 82, Relating to state funding for local education." "Providing that the state of New Hampshire shall provide both the majority of the funding for the total costs of local public education as well as the majority of the academic and related costs of public postsecondary educational institutions."
Excerpt From Debate.


DEL. GRANGER: "The language of this proposed amendment clearly states that the state will take over the majority of the funding of public education in the state of New Hampshire. This majority report recommends that it is meritorious to the Legislature. I feel it is pushing the pendulum too far in the other direction. Yes, perhaps we should do something in the 1985 session, to do more for education in New Hampshire, but I feel it entirely wrong to have the state take a majority of the funding over from local communities. As law of administration in New Hampshire for local control and the school district meetings to determine how much will be expended and how it will raise the money to do it. It's wrong for the state of New Hampshire to take over the majority of the funding, because it's going to take an awful lot of money, because you know how much money you pay in your own local district budget, take all the school districts in the state, it comes to a large price tag. How are we going to pay for it. There will have to be a sales tax, income tax or both to do it."
[Question being on the adoption of the report of the Majority, YEAS 159 NAYS 170, the motion was defeated.] Journal of the Constitutional Convention (1984).

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a. "For over two hundred years New Hampshire has recognized its duty to provide for the proper education of the children in this State." Claremont I. b. "Perhaps the most compelling reason for declining to adopt [an amendment to the court rule] may be stated colloquially: `If it ain't broke, don't fix it.'" In re Proposed Rules of Civil Procedure (1995).

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No. 12 - If There Are Education Rights, Whose Rights Are They?

Enforcement of public rights by private citizens.

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"The danger of minding other people's business is twofold. First, there is the danger that a man may leave his own business unattended to; and second, there is the danger of an impertinent interference with another's affairs. The "friends of humanity" almost always run into both dangers. William Graham Sumner: WHAT SOCIAL CLASSES OWE TO EACH OTHER (1883).

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a. "The right to an adequate education mandated by the constitution is not based on the exclusive needs of a particular individual, but rather a right held by the public to enforce the State's duty. Any citizen has standing to enforce this right." Claremont I.

b. "Nor are these plaintiffs competent to call in question the validity of these laws [concerning the governance of Dartmouth College] in a court of justice, on the ground that they are injurious to the public interests .... If these acts be injurious to the public interests, the remedy is to be sought in their repeal, not in courts of law." Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1817).

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The propriety of towns bringing claims against the State to enforce constitutional provisions.

"No constitution carries within it the seeds of its own destruction." George Washington.

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a. "The plaintiffs are five `property poor' school districts and five school children and five taxpayers, one from each of the school districts." Claremont I. (emphasis added).

"The plaintiffs are five school districts, five students, and eight taxpayers and parents." Claremont II.. (emphasis added). b. "[W]e see no reason in this case to deviate from the general rule that a town has no standing to bring challenges against the State based upon constitutional protections of individuals." Appeal of Town of Exeter (1985).

"In the present case, the State questions the standing of [the Town of Madbury] to sue the State. It points out that towns are created by the State and are within its entire control. In the exercise of the power of taxation, the Town acts under the authority of the State and, except as authorized by statutes, has no right to be heard on an abatement or assessment by a State agency of taxes levied in the town." Madbury v. State (1975).

"[The Town of] Hampton argues that [the Court's] interpretation [of the statute at issue in this case] would violate the State constitutional prohibition against retrospective laws. N.H. CONST. Pt. I, Art. 23. Public entities such as school districts, however, have no standing to assert any rights under that article." In Re: Gary B. (1983).

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No. 13 - A Court Out of Control.


The presumption of constitutionality.

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"It has always seemed to me that [the] ... presumption of constitutionality makes eminent good sense. If the Supreme Court wrongly decides that a law enacted by Congress is constitutional, it has made a mistake, but the result of its mistake is only to leave the nation with a law duly enacted by the popularly chosen members of the House of Representatives and the Senate and signed into law by the popularly chosen president. But if the Supreme Court wrongly decides that a law enacted by Congress is not constitutional, it has made a mistake of considerably greater consequence; it has struck down a law duly enacted by the popularly elected branches of the government not because of any principle in the Constitution, but because of the individual views of desirable policy held by a majority of the nine justices at that time." Justice William H. Rehnquist, THE SUPREME COURT (1987).

"To set aside the acts of [the Legislature], representing in its own field, which is the very highest of all, the ultimate sovereign, should be a solemn, unusual, and painful act. Something is wrong when it can ever be other than that." James Bradley Thayer, JOHN MARSHALL (1901)

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a. "[W]hen an individual school or school district offers something less than educational adequacy, the governmental action or lack of action that is the root cause of the disparity will be examined by a standard of strict judicial scrutiny." Claremont II.

b. "And while it is nowhere denied that, in a limited government like ours, acting under a written constitution, irrepealable except by the people themselves, and which imposes many restraints upon the power of the legislature and in which the judiciary is made a coordinate and independent branch of the government, the courts have the power to declare the acts of the legislature void; and it may become their imperative duty to do so, in the faithful exercise of their constitutional powers and discharge of their duties, yet, when called upon to pronounce an act of legislation, packed with all the forms and solemnities requisite to give it the force of law, invalid and void, in consequence of its conflicting with some constitutional provision, courts will approach the question with great caution, examine it in every possible aspect, and ponder upon it as long as deliberation and patient attention can throw any new light upon the subject; and will never declare a statute void unless the nullity and invalidity of the act are placed, in their judgment, beyond all reasonable doubt." Rich v. Flanders (1859).

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Exercising judicial restraint not to decide issues that are not necessary to be decided.

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"But what is liberty without wisdom, and without virtue? It is the greatest of all possible evils; for it is folly, vice, and madness, without tuition or restraint." Edmund Burke: REFLECTIONS ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE (1790).

"The admonition that judicial self-restraint alone limits arbitrary exercise of our authority is relevant every time we are asked to nullify legislation .... The reason why from the beginning even the narrow judicial authority to nullify legislation has been viewed with a jealous eye is that it serves to prevent the full play of the democratic process. The fact that it may be an undemocratic aspect of our scheme of government does not call for its rejection or its disuse. But it is the best of reasons, as this Court has frequently recognized for, for the greatest caution in its use." Justice Felix Frankfurter, West Virginia State Bd. of Education v. Barnette (US, 1943) (dissenting).

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a. "We look to the seven criteria articulated by the Supreme Court of Kentucky as establishing general, aspirational guidelines for defining educational adequacy.... We view these guidelines as benchmarks of a constitutionally adequate public education." Claremont II.

b. "The rule of construction universally adopted is, that when a statute may constitutionally operate upon certain persons, or in certain cases, and was not evidently intended to conflict with the constitution, it is not to be held unconstitutional merely because there may be persons to whom, or cases in which it cannot constitutionally apply; but it is to be deemed constitutional, and to be construed not to apply to the latter persons or cases, on the ground that courts are bound to presume that the legislature did not intend to violate the constitution." Opinion of the Justices (1861)

"Because this case can be resolved on statutory grounds, we do not reach the constitutional issues." Appeal of Astro Spectacular (1994).

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Judicial interference with the legislative process.

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"The house of representatives shall choose their own speaker, appoint their own officers, and settle the rules of proceedings in their own house." Article 22, part II, N.H. Constitution.

"The senate shall appoint their president and other officers, and determine their own rules of proceedings." Article 37, Part II, N.H. Constitution.

"The freedom of deliberation, speech, and debate, in either house of the legislature, is so essential to the rights of the people, that it cannot be the foundation of any action, complaint, or prosecution in any other court or place whatsoever." Article 30, Part I, N.H. Constitution.

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a. "[W]e anticipate that [the Governor and the Legislature] will promptly develop and adopt specific criteria implementing these guidelines and, in completing this task, will appeal to a broad constituency." Claremont II.

"[W]e note the commendable steps taken by the Governor and legislature in reaching their definition of a constitutionally adequate education. The legislatures's involvement of a broad cross-section of the community in the process can only lead to a definition that will serve this State's school-age citizens well as they journey toward achievement in the world around them." Claremont IV.

b. There is nothing in the constitution prescribing the method which the [legislature] must adopt to acquaint themselves with the contents of any proposed measure before its passage". Opinion of the Justices (1911).

"It is well settled that [a] question being `wholly legislative', a hearing is not essential to due process." Brouillard v. Atwood (1976).

"In our opinion, there are no independent procedural requirements under the due process clauses of either the United States or New Hampshire Constitutions affecting the validity of the legislative process .... Accordingly, the remedy for those who feel aggrieved by either the statute or the procedures employed by the legislature in its adoption is at the ballot box, not in the courts." Seabrook Citizens v. Yankee Greyhound Racing, Inc. (1983).

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Collectivism or individualism?

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"Every man, as long as he does not violate the laws of justice, is left perfectly free to pursue his own interest in his own way, and to bring both his industry and capital into competition with those of any other man, or order of man." Adam Smith, THE WEALTH OF NATIONS (1776).

"To compel a man to furnish contributions of money for the propagation of opinions which he disbelieves is sinful and tyrannical." Thomas Jefferson.

"[T]he sole end for which mankind are warranted, individually or collectively, in interfering with the liberty of action of any of their number, is self-protection .... [T]he only purpose for which power can be rightly exercised over any member of a civilized community, against his will, is to prevent harm to others." John Stuart Mill, ON LIBERTY (1859).

"It is especially incompatible with our form of democratic republic to charge the state with many and various functions, for our state should be simple to the last possible degree. It should handle as little money as possible; it should encourage the constant individual activity of its citizens and never do anything to weaken individual initiative. But the tendency today is all the other way." William Graham Sumner, ESSAYS (1934).

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a. "Because the diffusion of knowledge and learning is regarded by the State Constitution as `essential to the preservation of a free government', it is only just that those who enjoy such government should equally assist in contributing to its preservation." Claremont II.

"[I]t is basic to our collective well-being that all citizens of the State share in the common burden of educating our children." Claremont IV.

b. "The meaning of the bill of rights is largely a matter of historical fact. Its historic meaning agrees with the ordinary and natural sense of its language, which is distinctly brought out by an isolated grant, written in the express terms of a grant. As a matter of legal signification, shown by history and by every relevant rule and reason of interpretation, jury trial is no more a constitutional right granted to the state than is the right of religious belief and worship, habeas corpus, freedom of the press, or immunity from general warrants, compulsory self-crimination, trial after acquittal, retrospective legislation, unauthorized taxation, and excessive bail. It is a security, not for the sovereignty, the independence, or the public property of the state, but for private life, private liberty, and private property against all power, public and private." Wooster v. Plymouth (1882).

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Government from the top down or from the bottom up?

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"In the end, what informs the American political tradition is a proposition and a premise. The proposition is that the best national government is, to use a phrase the founding fathers were fond of, "mild government." The premise is that you can only achieve mild government if you have a solid bedrock of local self-government, so that the responsibilities of national government are limited in scope." Irving Kristol, REFLECTIONS OF A NEOCONSERVATIVE (1983).

"If the functional autonomy of social units is to be respected, if localism, regionalism, and the whole spirit of voluntary association is to flourish, power wielded by government must be distributed into as many hands as possible - not abstract, desocialized political hands but those we actually see in the social order, those of workers, enterprises, professionals, families, and neighborhoods .... Few things have more grievously wounded the political community in our time than the kind of centralization that has become virtually a passion in the political clerisy during most of this century. ...." Robert A Nisbet, THE TWILIGHT OF AUTHORITY (1975).

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a. "It should not be forgotten that New Hampshire is not a random collection of isolated cities and towns. Indeed, all of us live in a single state. The benefits of adequately educated children are shared statewide and are not limited to a particular town or district. We live in a highly mobile society such that a child may be educated in Pittsfield and, as an adult, reside in Moultonborough. That adult may serve or influence the town or State and as an elected or appointed official, a business or civic leader, or in various other endeavors. The benefits of that citizen's public education and contributions to community may be felt far beyond the boundaries of the educating town or district. Therefore, it is basic to our collective well-being that all citizens of the State share in the common burden of educating our children." Claremont IV.

b. "In contradistinction to those governments where power is concentrated in one man, or in one or more bodies of men, whose supervision and active control extend to all of the objects of government within the territorial limits of the state the American system is one of complete decentralization, the primary and vital idea of which is that local affairs shall be managed by local authorities, and general affairs only by the central authorities.... The several state constitutions have been framed with this system in view, and the delegations of power which they make, and the express and implied restraints which they impose thereupon, can only be correctly understood and construed by keeping in view its present existence and anticipated continuance. There are few of the general rules of constitutional law that are not more or less affected by the fact that the powers of government are not concentrated in one body of men, but are carefully distributed with a view to being exercised with intelligence, economy, and facility, and, as far as possible, by the persons most directly and immediately interested." State v. Hayes (1881).

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Local control over education.

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"In our opinion, centralization and bureaucratization of public schooling are the fundamental reasons for [its] deterioration. As financing of public schools has moved further and further away from local control, the educational bureaucracy has tended to replace parents in deciding what and how our children should learn. The most expedient, and perhaps the only, way to return control to parents is an arrangement whereby parents can choose the schools their children attend - and if you are not satisfied - can move their children from one school to another." Milton Friedman, TYRANNY OF THE STATUS QUO (1984).

"In large states public education will always be mediocre, for the same reason that in large kitchens the cooking is usually bad." Friederich Nietzsche: HUMAN ALL-TOO-HUMAN (1878).

"[L]ocal autonomy of school districts is a vital national tradition." Dayton Bd. of Education v. Brinkman (US, 1977).

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a. "We recognize that local control plays a valuable role in public education; however, the State cannot use local control as a justification for allowing the existence of educational services below the level of constitutional adequacy." Claremont II

b. "Local education is a local purpose for which legislative power may be delegated to towns." Holt v. Antrim (1886).

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School tax as a State or local tax.

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"[D]irect control over decisions vitally affecting the education of one's children is a need that is strongly felt in our society." Wright v. Council of the City of Emporia (US, 1972).

"In part, local control means ... the freedom to devote more money to the education of one's children. Equally important, however, is the opportunity if offers for participation in the decision making process that determines how those local tax dollars will be spent." San Antonio School District v. Rodriguez. (US, 1974).

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a. "We find the purpose of the school tax to be overwhelmingly a State purpose and dispositive of the issue of the character of the tax .... That the State, through a complex statutory framework, has shifted most of the responsibility for supporting public schools to local school districts does not diminish the State purpose of the school tax." Claremont II.

b. "Local education is a local purpose for which legislative power may be delegated to towns. The amount of money to be raised for school-houses and other educational purposes is determined, under some restrictions, by municipal corporations." Holt v. Antrim (1886).

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The proportionality and fairness of school taxes which vary from town to town.

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"It is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the Conduct of the Government in making it, and for a spirit of a acquiescence in the measures for obtaining Revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dictate." George Washington, Farewell Address (1796).

"The broad discretion as to classification possessed by a legislature in the field of taxation has long been recognized . . [T]he passage of time has only served to underscore the wisdom of that recognition of the large area of discretion which is needed by a legislature in formulating sound tax policies. . . It has . . . been pointed out that in taxation, even more than in other fields, legislatures possess the greatest freedom in classification. Since the members of a legislature necessarily enjoy a familiarity with local conditions which this Court cannot have, the presumption of constitutionality can be overcome only by the most explicit demonstration that a classification is a hostile and oppressive discrimination against particular persons and classes . . ." Madden v. Kentucky, (US, 1940).

"Any scheme of local taxation - indeed the very existence of identifiable local government units - requires the establishment of jurisdictional boundaries that are inevitably arbitrary. It is equally inevitable that some localities are going to be blessed with more taxable assets than others. Nor is local wealth a static quantity. Changes in the level of taxable wealth within any district may result from any number of events, some of which local residents can and do influence. For instance, commercial and industrial enterprises may be encouraged to locate within a district by various actions - public and private. Moreover, if local taxation for local expenditures were an unconstitutional method of providing for education than it might be an equally impermissible means of providing other necessary services customarily financed largely from local property taxes, including local police and fire protection, public health and hospitals, and public utility facililities of various kinds. We perceive no justification for such a severe denigration of local property taxation and control as would follow from appellees' contentions. It has simply never been within the constitutional prerogative of this court to nullify statewide measures for financing public services merely because the burdens or benefits thereof fall unevenly depending upon the relative wealth of the political subdivisions in which citizens live." San Antonio School District v. Rodriguez, (US, l974)

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a. "Evidence introduced at trial established that the equalized tax rate for the 1994-1995 school year in Pittsfield was $25.26 per thousand while the rate in Moultonborough was $5.56 per thousand. The tax rate in Pittsfield, therefore, was more than four times, or over 400 percent, higher than in Moultonborough .... We need look no further to hold that the school tax is disproportionate in violation of our State Constitution .... In addition, we conclude that the school tax as presently assessed is unreasonable. There is nothing fair or just about taxing a home or other real estate in one turn at four times the rate that similar property is taxed in another town to fulfill the same purpose of meeting the State's educational duty." Claremont II.

"Essentially, the proponents [of the abatement feature of the Governor's ABC Plan] seek to measure proportionality and fairness on a municipality-by-municipality or district-by-district basis, rather than statewide. But, to the extent that a property tax is used to raise revenue to satisfy the State's obligation to provide an adequate education, it must be proportional across the State .... This obligation cannot be avoided or lessened by the mere circumstance of a town having few children or a Town having a wealth of property value, including wealth generated by the presence of heavy industry." Claremont IV.

b. "[F]or the academic year 1964-65 Troy must pay $598.28 for each of its 368 students; Fitzwilliam $782.62 for each of its 208 students; and Gilsum only $109.36 or $260 for each of its 165 students .... The factors for determining the share of costs of operating Monadnock [the cooperative school district of which Troy, Fitzwilliam and Gilsum are members] to be paid by a constituent town are the average daily number of its students attending the school and its equalized valuation. We fail to see how this method of determining costs can be deemed arbitrary or to result in the denial of equal protection of the laws to the citizens of Troy or of any other town in Monadnock .... To promote the general welfare by equalizing the educational opportunities of all of the children of the State, the Legislature can provide foundation aid to districts and towns otherwise unable to provide adequate education for its inhabitants. The fact that the receipt of this aid together with the computation of the operating costs of the district school according to a formula contained in the act authorizing the creation of such a district results in one town in the district having to raise more dollars per pupil attending the cooperative school than any other town in the same district does not place an unequal tax burden on any inhabitant of a particular taxing district which is the constitutional equality required. The Constitution does not guarantee that all taxing districts shall have an equal number of pupils to educate, or that the aggregate costs of education shall be identical." Monadnock School District v. Fitzwilliam (1964).

"The financial ability of the various school districts in the state to provide an adequate education for its school children is dependent in large measure on the equalized valuation of the towns which compose the district." Opinion of the Justices (1965)

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Disproportionalities in taxes based upon disproportionate consumption of the public resources or disproportionate assumption of the public burden.

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"What reason is there that he which laboreth much, and, sparing the fruits of his labor, consumeth little, should be more charged than he that, living idly, getteth little and spendeth all he gets, seeing the one hath no more protection from the commonwealth than the other?" Thomas Hobbes, LEVIATHAN (1651).

"To take from one, because it is thought that his own industry and that of his fathers has acquired too much in order to spare to others, who, or whose fathers[,] have not exercised equal industry and skill is to violate arbitrarily the first principle of association, `the guarantee to every one of a free exercise of his industry, and the fruits acquired by it.'" Thomas Jefferson, Letter to Joseph Milligan (April 6, 1816).

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a. "Proponents of the [Governor's ABC Plan] also assert that the special abatement is designed to protect towns from financially contributing to the adequate education of children in other towns or school districts.... While good cause or just reasons [for a tax exemption or abatement] can be created by public policy determined by the Legislature, public policy cannot undermine the constitutional requirement of proportionality .... This obligation cannot be avoided or lessened by the mere circumstance of a town having few children or a town having a wealth of property value, including wealth generated by the presence of heavy industry." Claremont IV.

b. "The basis principle that all taxpayers shall share in the public expense equally, however, is not violated by a legislative exemption of a certain class of property from taxation, in whole or in part, provided the exemption serves the public welfare.... In enacting RSA Ch. 162-I [providing for a tax exemption for Industrial Development Authority-owned industrial facilities], the legislature declared that there was a need `to foster and encourage the development of industrial facilities.'.... In considering the original draft of RSA 162-I:15, the supreme court justices cautioned the house of representatives that a corporation leasing an industrial facility which did not make any payment in lieu of taxes would unconstitutionally be relieved of paying its just share of the public expense.... We hold, therefore, that `just share of the public expense' does not equal assessed valuation and that the board of taxation should consider all factors deemed relevant in making its determination of what constitutes a just share. Among those factors are: (1) the fair market value of the industrial facility, (2) the increase in the cost of public expenses due to the new facility, (3) the share in the cost of the existing public expenses, (4) the benefit to the community of having the particular industry locate in the community, and (5) the employment opportunities to be created or retained within the community or its environs." Eltra Corp. v. Town of Hopkinton (1979).

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The proper scope of judicial review over legislative decisions on education - the so-called "strict scrutiny" test.

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"The present case [involving a claimed right to an adequate education] is significantly different from any of the cases in which the Court has applied strict scrutiny to state or federal legislation touching upon constitutionally protected rights. Each of our prior cases involved legislation which `deprived,' `infringed,' or `interfered' with the free exercise of some such fundamental personal right or liberty .... It should be clear ... that this is not a case in which the challenged state action must be subjected to the searching judicial scrutiny reserved for laws that create suspect classifications or impinge upon constitutionally protected rights." San Antonio School District v. Rodriguez (US, 1974).

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a. " We emphasize that the fundamental right at issue is the right to a State funded constitutionally adequate public education .... [W]hen an individual school or school district offers something less than educational adequacy, the governmental action or lack of action that is the root cause of the disparity will be examined by a standard of strict judicial scrutiny." Claremont II.

b. "Nor is the expediency, or the policy of such laws [regarding education], a subject for judicial decision. The constitution has given to the [legislature] full power and authority to make and ordain all such laws `as they may judge for the benefit and welfare of this state.' Should we assume the power of declaring statutes valid or invalid, according to our opinions of their expediency, it would not be endured for a moment, but would be justly viewed by all, as a wanton occupation, altogether repugnant to the principles of our government." Trustees of Dartmouth College v. Woodward (1817).

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Which rights are "fundamental" and which rights are something less?

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"There is no warrant in the constitutional basis of this Court's authority for attributing different roles to it depending upon the nature of the challenge to the legislation. Our power does not vary according to the particular provision of the Bill of Rights which is invoked. The right not to have property taken without just compensation has, so far as the scope of judicial power is concerned, the same constitutional dignity as the right to be protected against unreasonable searches and seizures and the latter has no less claim than freedom of the press or freedom of speech or religious freedom. In no instance is this Court the primary protector of the particular liberty that is invoked." Justice Felix Frankfurter, West Virginia State Bd. of Education Barnette (US, 1943) (dissent).

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a. "We hold that in this State a constitutionally adequate public education is a fundamental right." Claremont II.

b. "Maintenance of a free public school system "is not so much a right granted to pupils as a duty imposed upon them for the public good." Fogg v. Board of Education of Littleton (1912).

"We have held ... that the right to recover for one's injuries is not a fundamental right." Carson v. Maurer (1980).

"The right to work in one's occupation has never been placed on equal footing with fundamental personal rights." Petition of Grimm (1993).

"The right of a citizen "in being free from the exaction of a forfeiture of his property" is not a fundamental right." Allgeyer v. Lincoln (1984).

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Avoiding or delaying a decision on the grounds of expediency.

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"A good and faithful judge prefers what is right to what is expedient." Seneca.

"Justice is a certain rectitude of mind whereby a man does what he ought to do in the circumstances confronting him." Thomas Aquinas, SUMMA THEOLOGIAE (c.1265).

"Justice has nothing to do with expediency. It has nothing to do with any temporary standard whatever." Woodrow Wilson, Speech in Washington (Feb. 26, 1916).

"Extraordinary conditions may call for extraordinary remedies. But the argument necessarily stops short of an attempt to justify action which lies outside the sphere of constitutional authority. Extraordinary conditions do not create or enlarge constitutional power. The Constitution established a national government with powers deemed to be adequate, as they have proved to be both in war and peace, but these powers of the national government are limited by the constitutional grants. Those who act under these grants are not at liberty to transcend the imposed limits because they believe that more or different power is necessary." Schechter Poultry v. United States (US, 1935).

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a. "We are mindful of the fact that our decision holding the present system of financing public education unconstitutional raises issues concerning the interim viability of the existing tax system. Because the legislature must be given a reasonable time to effect an orderly transition to a new system, the present funding mechanism may remain in effect through the 1998 tax year." Claremont II.

b. "We are not persuaded that the special abatement provision [of the Governor's ABC Plan] is supported by good cause or just reasons consistent with the Constitution. Proponents of the bill would have us construe Part II, Article 5 as permitting the special abatement in order to prevent social discord and because other tax resolutions could be divisive. That all three branches of government must struggle with difficult decisions which may cause social unrest cannot be a factor in the court's constitutional review of the bill. The duty of those of us who are constitutional officers, no matter in what branch of government, is to resolve important issues of the day within the confines of the constitution for the benefit of the people of New Hampshire." Claremont IV.

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Law as politics.

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"No matter whether th' constitution follows th' flag or not, th' supreme court follows th' iliction returns." Mr. Dooley's Opinions (1900) (a parody).

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a. "[W]e note the commendable steps taken by the Governor and legislature in reaching their definition of a constitutionally adequate education. The legislature's involvement of a broad cross-section of the community in the process can only lead to a definition that will serve this State's school-age citizens well as they journey toward achievement in the world around them. We applaud the Governor and legislature for the work accomplished to date and in advance for that yet to be undertaken." Claremont IV. b. "It is neither our task nor intent to manage the public school systems of the State ...." Claremont IV.

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No. 14 - If There Is No Remedy, Is There Any Right?

The propriety of the Court declaring rights without providing a remedy

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"Government implies the power of making laws. It is essential to the idea of a law, that it be attended with a sanction; or, in other words, a penalty or punishment for disobedience. " THE FEDERALIST, No. 15.

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a. "The State's duty to provide for an adequate education is constitutionally compelled. The present system selected and crafted by the State to fund public education is ...unconstitutional .... [However,] we do not remand for consideration of remedies at this time, but instead stay all further proceedings until the end of the upcoming legislative session and further order of this court to permit the legislature to address the issues involved in this case." Claremont II.

b. "When the law commands a thing to be done, it puts in requisition the means of executing its command." Boody v. Watson (1886).

"[W]e remain convinced that the conferral of a right implies the existence of a remedy." State v. Brosseau (1983).

"[It is a] settled principle that a denial of a constitutional right demands some vindication in the law." Marquay v. Eno (1996).

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The Court's power to issue an advisory opinion.

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"[T]he judicial power, as we have seen, is the right to determine actual controversies arising between adverse litigants, duly instituted in courts of proper jurisdiction .... This attempt to obtain a judicial declaration of the validity of the act of Congress is not presented in a "case" or "controversy", to which, under the Constitution of the United States, the judicial power alone extends .... Such judgment will not conclude private parties, when actual litigation brings to the court the question of the constitutionality of such legislation. In a legal sense the judgment could not be executed, and amounts in fact to no more than an expression of opinion upon the validity of the acts in question." Muskrat v. United States (US, 1911).

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a. "We hold that in this State a constitutionally adequate public education is a fundamental right .... [However,] we do not remand for consideration of remedies at this time, but instead stay all further proceedings until the end of the upcoming legislative session and further order of this court to permit the legislature to address the issued involved in this case." Claremont II.

b. "The law is ... plain that advisory opinions cannot be given by the court on the petition of private individuals." State v. Harvey (1965).

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